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| Talibán | |
|---|---|
| Name | Talibán |
| Founded | 1994 |
| Area | Afghanistan, Pakistan |
Talibán
The Talibán emerged in the mid-1990s in Kandahar and Afghanistan during the aftermath of the Soviet–Afghan War and the Afghan Civil War (1992–1996), rapidly becoming a central actor in South Asian geopolitics. Its rise intersected with actors such as Mullah Mohammad Omar, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Jalalabad, and international influences from Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and elements linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (1996–2001). The movement’s trajectory involved conflicts with the Northern Alliance, the United States, and NATO-led forces during and after the War in Afghanistan (2001–2021).
The term derives from the Pashto and Dari word for students historically associated with madrassas in places like Peshawar, Quetta, and Kandahar. Early links were made to religious seminaries tied to networks in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the Deobandi movement. Western reportage frequently used variants in coverage involving The New York Times, BBC, Reuters, and The Guardian during the 1990s and 2000s.
The movement formed amid the collapse of Najibullah's administration and the factional fighting that followed the Panjshir Valley resistance. Figures such as Mullah Mohammad Omar and veterans of the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan recruited former mujahideen who had been part of groups like Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin and networks connected to Arab volunteers from the Afghan Arabs. The 1994 capture of Kandahar accelerated consolidation, leading to control over Kabul in 1996 and establishment of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. After the September 11 attacks and the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, leadership dispersed to regions including Waziristan and Baluchistan, maintaining insurgency against the International Security Assistance Force and later NATO contingents. Following the 2021 Taliban offensive and the fall of Kabul in August 2021, the group returned to power amid complex interactions with actors such as China, Russia, Iran, and Turkey.
The movement espouses a conservative interpretation of Islamic law influenced by strands present in Deobandi movement seminaries and socially conservative currents from Pashtunwali traditions in Pashtunistan. Objectives historically included overturning rival administrations like the Islamic State of Afghanistan (1992–2001), restricting Western cultural influences exemplified by tensions with institutions such as the United Nations and Human Rights Watch, and pursuing regional autonomy aligned with leaders like Mullah Mohammad Omar and later figures who articulated policies on issues involving women's rights and media restrictions.
Leadership structures evolved from decentralized shuras in provinces like Helmand, Nangarhar, and Uruzgan to more centralized commissions including offices modeled after ministries in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Key personalities have included Mullah Mohammad Omar, Mawlawi Hibatullah Akhundzada, Sirajuddin Haqqani, members of the Haqqani network, and provincial commanders who maintained links with networks in Quetta and Peshawar. The group’s administrative organs have interacted with international institutions including the United Nations Security Council and [Sanctions committees], while successor councils negotiated with envoys from Doha and representatives of states such as Pakistan and Qatar.
Operations have ranged from conventional offensives capturing provincial capitals like Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif to asymmetric tactics including improvised explosive devices, ambushes, targeted assassinations, and suicide attacks linked to groups like Al-Qaeda and insurgent cells active in Helmand Province and Kunduz. Tactical doctrines adapted lessons from conflicts involving Soviet forces, counterinsurgency campaigns by ISAF, and transnational networks in Waziristan. Battles and sieges have referenced locales such as Marjah, Ghazni, Tora Bora, and engagements against units from US Army, Royal Marines, Canadian Armed Forces, and Australian Defence Force contingents.
During periods of control, the movement established parallel institutions including justice systems, education directives, and public order forces operating in cities like Kandahar and Kabul. Policies impacted sectors overseen by entities such as the Ministry of Education (Afghanistan) and provoked responses from organizations like UNAMA and Amnesty International. Administrative measures included judiciary decrees, restrictions on media outlets such as Radio Television Afghanistan, and interactions with aid agencies including UNICEF, World Food Programme, and International Committee of the Red Cross.
Relations with states have varied: informal ties with Pakistan’s security apparatus, negotiations mediated by Qatar in Doha, outreach to Russia and China for recognition and economic engagement, and adversarial relations with United States and European Union policymakers. The movement and associated individuals have been subject to sanctions from the United Nations Security Council, the United States Department of the Treasury, and the European Council, with lists maintained by agencies including the UN 1267 Committee.
Human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, UNAMA, and International Crisis Group have documented restrictions on women and girls, reprisals against journalists tied to outlets like BBC, Al Jazeera, and TOLOnews, and persecution of ethnic and religious minorities including Hazara communities in provinces such as Bamyan. Reports allege extrajudicial killings, limitations on civil liberties contested by entities like the International Criminal Court and debated in forums including the UN Human Rights Council. The movement’s rule affected humanitarian operations coordinated by UN OCHA, Médecins Sans Frontières, and regional NGOs operating across Afghanistan and bordering regions in Pakistan.
Category:Organizations in Afghanistan