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| Sudan People's Liberation Army-North | |
|---|---|
| Name | Sudan People's Liberation Army-North |
| War | Second Sudanese Civil War; War in Darfur; Sudanese conflicts |
| Active | 2011–present |
| Ideology | See text |
Sudan People's Liberation Army-North
The Sudan People's Liberation Army-North emerged as a major armed faction active in Sudan after the 2011 independence of South Sudan, operating primarily in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan regions. The group traces roots to the Sudan People's Liberation Movement roots during the Second Sudanese Civil War and has been involved in armed clashes with the Sudanese Armed Forces, engaging in negotiations with actors such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, African Union, and United Nations mediators. The movement has influenced regional dynamics involving the Revolutionary Front (Sudan), Justice and Equality Movement, and transnational concerns including Chad and Ethiopia border spills.
The formation followed legacies of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement during the Addis Ababa era and the resurgence of armed politics after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005). Key antecedents include factions from the Anyanya II movement, veterans linked to the Bonga fronts, and commanders influenced by leaders like John Garang and Riek Machar who shaped post-2005 alignments. The group solidified as an entity when elements refused to recognize the Government of South Sudan exclusivity of the original liberation structures, competing with splinters such as the South Sudan Defence Forces and associating tactically with insurgents in Darfur and the Sudan Revolutionary Front umbrella.
Command structures borrowed from liberation-era hierarchies with political wings reflecting SPLM models and military cadres modeled on People's Liberation Army-style hierarchies. Senior leaders have roots in Blue Nile leadership and include commanders who previously served under prominent figures like Lam Akol and Yasir Arman, while liaison roles interact with bodies such as the African Union High-level Implementation Panel and the United Nations Security Council envoys. Recruitment networks extend into refugee populations from Gambela and Bahr el Ghazal and maintain logistical links to urban centers like Khartoum and Juba.
The movement articulates objectives influenced by self-determination claims in peripheral regions, invoking principles tied to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005), demands for federalism reforms, and equitable resource-sharing especially regarding oil in Sudan fields in Heglig and Blue Nile production zones. Political narratives draw upon legacies of Nuba Mountains autonomy campaigns, appeals made in platforms similar to those of the Sudan Revolutionary Front, and rhetorical connections to leaders such as Salva Kiir and Omar al-Bashir opponents. Policy positions seek constitutional arrangements akin to those debated in Khartoum Peace Talks and proposals brokered by mediators like Djibril Bassolé.
The group has engaged in offensive and defensive operations during clashes around Talodi, Torit, and along the White Nile corridors, confronting the Sudanese Armed Forces and allied militia networks such as the Janjaweed and Rapid Support Forces. Notable engagements occurred during the 2011–2013 Blue Nile insurgency and were linked tactically to campaigns in South Kordofan and cross-border dynamics with Eritrea and Uganda. Operations have involved guerrilla warfare, tactical seizures of administrative centers, and coordination with the Sudan Revolutionary Front in attempts to capture strategic locations like Malakal and to contest control over infrastructure including Merowe Dam supply lines.
Conflict operations have contributed to humanitarian crises affecting populations in Blue Nile, South Kordofan, and adjacent White Nile areas, leading to displacements into Ethiopia and South Sudan camps administered by UNHCR and International Committee of the Red Cross. Reports have alleged abuses involving civilian harm, recruitment controversies tied to child soldiers narratives, and contested incidents documented by observers such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. Humanitarian access has been impeded by security dynamics involving the UNMISS, UNAMID, and local blockade tactics that affected delivery by agencies including World Food Programme and OCHA.
Diplomatic engagement has involved negotiations with regional actors including Ethiopia, Chad, and multilateral institutions such as the African Union and United Nations Security Council. The movement has sought political and material backing from diaspora networks in United Kingdom, United States, and Canada, while alleged external patronage and transit links implicated actors in Eritrea and informal networks in Central African Republic and Democratic Republic of the Congo. Sanctions regimes and travel restrictions by bodies like the United States Department of the Treasury and listings considered by the European Union influenced operational freedom and external finance channels.
The group has participated intermittently in ceasefire talks brokered by mediators such as IGAD and the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel, engaging in frameworks like the Khartoum Peace Agreement discussions and the Juba peace talks. Temporary ceasefires and prisoner exchanges occurred alongside wider transitions during the Sudanese Revolution (2018–2019) and the 2019 negotiations involving the Transitional Military Council and the Forces of Freedom and Change. Current status reflects fragmented alignments, reintegration dialogues with Sudanese Armed Forces elements, and ongoing tension in Blue Nile and South Kordofan with peace implementation overseen by actors including UNMISS and the African Union Mission in Sudan.
Category:Rebel groups in Sudan