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| State Counsellor's Office (Myanmar) | |
|---|---|
| Agency name | State Counsellor's Office |
| Native name | နိုင်ငံတော်အတွင်းရေးဦးစီးဌာန |
| Formed | 2016 |
| Dissolved | 2021 |
| Jurisdiction | Naypyidaw |
| Headquarters | Naypyidaw |
| Chief1 name | Aung San Suu Kyi |
| Parent agency | Office of the President of Myanmar |
State Counsellor's Office (Myanmar) The State Counsellor's Office was an executive administrative office established in Naypyidaw to support Aung San Suu Kyi in her role as State Counsellor of Myanmar following the 2015 Myanmar general election. It operated at the nexus of national policymaking, interfacing with ministries such as Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Myanmar), Ministry of Home Affairs (Myanmar), and Ministry of Defence (Myanmar) while engaging with international actors including United Nations, Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and European Union delegations.
The office arose during the post-2010 political transition involving actors like Thein Sein, Union Solidarity and Development Party, and civil society groups exemplified by National League for Democracy. After the 2015 victory of National League for Democracy and the 2016 formation of the Second Htin Kyaw Cabinet, debates about constitutional constraints tied to 2008 Constitution of Myanmar and provisions related to Tatmadaw authority shaped the decision to create a new office. The office functioned amid crises including the Rohingya conflict, international scrutiny by International Criminal Court referrals, and incidents such as the 2017–2018 Rohingya crisis that drew responses from states like United States, India, and China.
The legal provenance traced to executive instruments and coordination with the President of Myanmar's apparatus during the Htin Kyaw administration, influenced by constitutional clauses of the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar limiting full presidential roles due to a military-drafted framework. The office was instantiated through directives referencing administrative rules similar to those governing the Union Civil Service Board and interactions with statutory organs such as the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw and its committees, while avoiding explicit amendment of Article 59-type provisions. Its statutory claims intersected with jurisprudence and administrative practice involving institutions like the Supreme Court of Myanmar and regulatory inputs from Attorney General of Myanmar offices.
Mandated tasks included policy coordination among executive ministries such as Ministry of Finance and Planning (Myanmar), Ministry of Health and Sports (Myanmar), and Ministry of Education (Myanmar), diplomatic engagement with missions including Embassy of the United States, Yangon and Embassy of China, Yangon, and oversight of special initiatives tied to development projects with partners like World Bank, Asian Development Bank, and Japan International Cooperation Agency. It managed communications with legislatures including the Amyotha Hluttaw and Pyithu Hluttaw, and with quasi-governmental bodies like the Myanmar Investment Commission and the National Reconciliation and Peace Centre. The office also supported negotiations with ethnic armed organizations such as Karen National Union, Kachin Independence Army, and United Wa State Army in contexts of Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement discussions.
Structurally, the office incorporated advisory units drawing personnel from ministries and agencies including Ministry of Information (Myanmar), Ministry of Labor, Immigration and Population (Myanmar), and technical experts previously associated with Myanmar Peace Centre. Departments handled portfolios on foreign affairs, economic policy, legal affairs, and peace process coordination, coordinating with bodies like the Central Bank of Myanmar and the National Planning and Economic Development Committee. It established liaison roles with subnational administrations in regions and states such as Rakhine State, Kachin State, and Shan State, and with municipal administrations in Yangon and Mandalay.
The titular head was Aung San Suu Kyi as State Counsellor of Myanmar, supported by senior advisers drawn from NLD leadership including figures associated with Win Myint's circle and ministers such as those from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Myanmar) and Ministry of Planning and Finance (Myanmar). Senior civil servants with backgrounds in institutions like Yangon University and think tanks such as Myanmar Egress provided policy research, while coordination with military interlocutors involved contacts linked to Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. International engagement featured envoys connected to foreign offices including United Kingdom Foreign and Commonwealth Office and delegations from European Commission.
The office became a focal point for policymaking in the post-2015 period, shaping responses to economic reforms influenced by partners such as Asian Development Bank and International Monetary Fund, negotiating peace talks involving State Administration Council-era tensions, and managing high-profile cases connected to Gambia v. Myanmar at the International Court of Justice. It served as a platform for domestic political strategy within the National League for Democracy while interacting with opposition parties including the Union Solidarity and Development Party and ethnic representatives in the Hluttaw.
Critics argued the office skirted constitutional constraints from the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar and raised concerns amid controversies over the handling of the Rohingya conflict, statements scrutinized by international actors such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, and legal challenges from opponents citing institutional overreach. The office faced domestic criticism over transparency from civil society groups including Justice for Myanmar and media outlets like the Myanmar Times, and it was a target during political upheavals culminating in the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état led by the Tatmadaw under Min Aung Hlaing.