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| Restore Our Vote | |
|---|---|
| Name | Restore Our Vote |
| Type | Nonprofit advocacy organization |
| Founded | 2018 |
| Headquarters | Atlanta, Georgia |
| Region served | United States |
| Focus | Voter restoration, criminal justice reform, voting rights |
| Leader title | Executive Director |
Restore Our Vote is an American advocacy organization focused on restoring voting rights for people with felony convictions and advancing criminal justice reform and voting rights litigation. The group operates in multiple states, engages in litigation, legislative campaigns, community organizing, and public education, and collaborates with civil rights groups, civil liberties organizations, and policy research institutes. Its work intersects with high-profile legal decisions, state legislatures, and grassroots movements across the United States.
Restore Our Vote was founded in the wake of prominent criminal justice and voting-rights developments such as the campaigns around the 2018 midterm elections, the aftermath of the Shelby County v. Holder decision, and state-level reforms following the 2016 United States presidential election. Early activity built on precedents including the Voting Rights Act of 1965 challenges, the institutional work of organizations like the American Civil Liberties Union, the Brennan Center for Justice, and state-level efforts reminiscent of campaigns by the Southern Poverty Law Center and NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund. The organization grew amid renewed attention to felony disenfranchisement after high-profile initiatives such as the 2018 Florida Amendment 4 campaign and litigation connected to that amendment, and operated alongside advocacy by figures and groups that included leaders from the Movement for Black Lives and networks tied to the Fair Fight Action and All Voting is Local.
The stated mission emphasizes restoring voting rights to people with felony convictions, promoting reentry services, and eliminating legal barriers to participation for marginalized communities. Goals align with legislative reforms similar to those pursued in states like Florida, Kentucky, and Maine and echo policy priorities advocated by entities such as The Sentencing Project, the Campaign Legal Center, and academic centers like the Brennan Center for Justice. The organization frames its objectives in terms similar to historic enfranchisement efforts associated with the Civil Rights Movement, such as expanding access akin to post-Voting Rights Act of 1965 enforcement and countering rollbacks linked to decisions like Shelby County v. Holder.
Restore Our Vote's governance typically includes an executive director, a board of directors, and program staff focused on legal strategy, policy advocacy, communications, and field organizing. Leadership models mirror organizational structures used by groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union, the NAACP, and the Southern Poverty Law Center, and often engage legal counsel with backgrounds in litigation at firms or groups like the ACLU Voting Rights Project or the Brennan Center for Justice. The group has collaborated with elected officials and activists from city and state levels, including interactions with lawmakers in Georgia, Michigan, and Wisconsin, and coordination with community organizations in metropolitan areas such as Atlanta, Detroit, and Milwaukee.
Activities have included litigation, ballot initiative support, voter education, reentry resource coordination, and targeted outreach to impacted communities. Campaigns have paralleled efforts like Florida Amendment 4 implementation fights, coordinated litigation strategies reminiscent of cases argued before courts like the United States Supreme Court and the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, and local advocacy similar to campaigns run by Common Cause and League of Women Voters. Fieldwork often occurs during election cycles comparable to the 2020 and 2022 federal elections, with mobilization tactics used by groups such as Black Voters Matter and Color of Change.
The organization claims measurable outcomes in restoring eligibility for tens of thousands of people, influencing state statutes and administrative practices in jurisdictions including Florida, Virginia, and Tennessee, and contributing to litigation that shaped state procedures. Outcomes have often intersected with policy shifts led by state governors, attorneys general, and state legislatures, and have been cited in research by institutions like The Sentencing Project and the Brennan Center for Justice. Its work has also contributed to broader public debates reflected in media coverage by outlets such as The New York Times, The Washington Post, and broadcast reporting on networks like NPR.
Critics have argued about the scope of restoration, the relationship between criminal justice reform and public safety debates, and the role of nonprofits in electoral politics. Controversies echo historic debates between reform advocates and opponents found in legislative battles in states like Florida and Iowa, and public discourse involving voices from think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation and advocacy groups like Americans for Prosperity. Allegations in some contexts have included disagreements over strategy, fundraising transparency, and partnerships with political actors, paralleling critiques leveled at organizations such as ACORN and other high-profile advocacy campaigns.
Legal advocacy has involved filing lawsuits, submitting amicus briefs in appellate matters, and participating in administrative rulemaking processes. These efforts connect to precedent-setting litigation regarding disenfranchisement and criminal-civil disability law similar to cases influenced by the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and subsequent constitutional litigation at the United States Supreme Court. Policy work includes drafting model legislation, advising state elections offices, and working with state attorneys general and secretaries of state to modify reentry-related voting procedures, as seen in reforms in states like Maine, Vermont, and New York.
Restore Our Vote partners with civil rights organizations, legal advocacy groups, academic think tanks, and community-based organizations. Typical partners include entities comparable to the Brennan Center for Justice, the ACLU, The Sentencing Project, Black Voters Matter, Color of Change, and local grassroots groups in cities such as Atlanta and Philadelphia. Funding sources have included private foundations, individual donors, and grants from philanthropic organizations similar to the Ford Foundation, the Open Society Foundations, and regional community foundations; critics and watchdogs compare these funding models to those used by national nonprofits like the American Civil Liberties Union.
Category:Voting rights organizations in the United States