Generated by GPT-5-mini| Regional Measure 3 | |
|---|---|
| Name | Regional Measure 3 |
| Type | Ballot measure |
| Location | San Francisco Bay Area |
| Date | June 2018 |
| Outcome | Passed |
| Proposer | Metropolitan Transportation Commission |
| Revenue | Increased bridge tolls |
Regional Measure 3 Regional Measure 3 was a 2018 Bay Area ballot measure that increased tolls on seven state-owned bridges to fund transportation projects across the San Francisco Bay Area. The measure was placed on the ballot by the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (California), and its passage followed campaigns involving the California Democratic Party, California Republican Party, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Alameda County Transportation Commission, and San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency. Supporters framed the measure as necessary for transit expansion, while opponents included civic groups such as the California Chamber of Commerce and legal litigants who pursued challenges in the California Supreme Court and federal courts.
In the 2010s, the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (California) coordinated regional planning alongside agencies such as the Association of Bay Area Governments, Bay Area Toll Authority, California Department of Transportation, and county transportation commissions including Contra Costa Transportation Authority, Marin County Transit District, and Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority. Longstanding projects like extensions of Bay Area Rapid Transit and commitments under Plan Bay Area created funding gaps similar to past infrastructure finance efforts such as Measure AA (San Francisco) and statewide measures like Proposition 1A (2008). Regional leaders including Ed Lee, Gavin Newsom, Jerry Brown, and MTC commissioners debated options used previously by jurisdictions like Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority and Metropolitan Transportation Authority (New York)—from sales taxes to toll increases—before settling on a bridge toll increase mechanism similar to funding models used by the Golden Gate Bridge Highway and Transportation District and the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey.
The ballot placement drew campaign activity from coalitions such as Yes on RM3 Coalition allies including the Sierra Club (U.S.), Urban Habitat, SPUR (San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research Association), and labor groups like Service Employees International Union and Amalgamated Transit Union. Opposition included business and taxpayer organizations including the California Chamber of Commerce, Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, and local activists modeled after campaigns against Proposition 6 (2018). Major funders on both sides invoked examples from transit referenda such as Measure M (Los Angeles County), Sound Transit, and Measure R (Los Angeles County) in advertisements. Media coverage was carried by outlets like the San Francisco Chronicle, San Jose Mercury News, KQED, The New York Times, and national analysis by The Wall Street Journal.
The measure raised tolls on seven state-owned bridges administered by California Department of Transportation and collected by the Bay Area Toll Authority: the Golden Gate Bridge (note: tolling mechanisms differ), San Francisco–Oakland Bay Bridge, Richmond–San Rafael Bridge, Benicia–Martinez Bridge, Dumbarton Bridge, San Mateo–Hayward Bridge, and Carquinez Bridge. Funds were earmarked for capital projects and transit operations across agencies including BART, Caltrain, AC Transit, VTA (Santa Clara County), Muni (San Francisco Municipal Railway), and regional programs under Plan Bay Area 2040. Allocations mirrored priorities in past measures like Measure AA and Measure BB (Alameda County), with specific streams for highway-rail grade separations, ferry service expansions involving San Francisco Bay Ferry, and ferry operators such as Blue & Gold Fleet. The revenue bonds and fiscal parameters referenced standards used by issuers like Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board and legal frameworks involving the California Constitution.
Implementation involved project delivery by agencies including Caltrans District 4, BART District, San Mateo County Transit District, Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority, Alameda County Transportation Commission, and city public works departments in San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley, Palo Alto, and Richmond. High-profile projects funded included capacity improvements for BART Transbay Tube access, grade separation projects influenced by California High-Speed Rail planning, electrification of Caltrain influenced by partners such as Google and Facebook through regional transport planning, and expanded bus rapid transit similar to projects undertaken by Metropolitan Transportation Authority (New York) and Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority. Ferry expansions drew on procurement practices used by agencies like Washington State Ferries and design-build work with contractors comparable to Turner Construction Company.
Legal challenges invoked precedents from cases involving tolling and ballot procedure, with litigants represented by firms and organizations such as Pacific Legal Foundation and local counsel citing cases before the California Supreme Court and United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. Plaintiffs argued issues concerning revenue allocation, ballot wording, and compliance with statutes similar to litigation over Measure M (Los Angeles County). Opponents referenced fiscal transparency concerns raised in disputes involving agencies such as the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (Los Angeles County) and earlier California ballot measures like Proposition 13 (1978). Courts considered standing and procedural claims before allowing implementation to proceed while some appeals continued in state courts.
Post-passage evaluations by entities including the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (California), Bay Area Toll Authority, Legislative Analyst's Office (California), academics from University of California, Berkeley, Stanford University, and policy groups like Brookings Institution assessed effects on congestion, transit ridership, and equity. Studies compared outcomes to other regional funding measures such as Measure BB (San Mateo County), Sound Transit 3, and outcomes from New York Metropolitan Transportation Authority fare and toll changes. Analysts examined distributional impacts on commuters from counties like Solano County, Napa County, Sonoma County, Marin County, and San Mateo County, and effects on commuters employed by firms such as Salesforce and Apple. Fiscal reviews considered bond ratings and market reception similar to analyses conducted by Moody's Investors Service and Standard & Poor's. Overall assessments noted investments in transit capital and operations alongside ongoing debates about toll burdens, project delivery timelines, and regional planning priorities championed by figures like Ena Dubnoff and institutions such as the California Transportation Commission.