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| Regional Council of Occitanie | |
|---|---|
| Name | Regional Council of Occitanie |
| Native name | Conseil régional d'Occitanie |
| Established | 2016 |
| Leader title | President |
| Leader name | Carole Delga |
| Seats | 158 |
| Meeting place | Toulouse |
Regional Council of Occitanie The Regional Council of Occitanie is the deliberative assembly of the French region created by the territorial reform that merged the former regions Languedoc-Roussillon and Midi-Pyrénées, and it sits in Toulouse where it exercises regional responsibilities under the framework of the French Fifth Republic, interacting with institutions such as the Assemblée nationale, the Sénat, and the Conseil d'État while implementing policies related to transport, education, and economic development influenced by European Union programs like the European Regional Development Fund and the Cohesion Fund.
The council was established following the territorial reorganization set by the law on the delimitation of regions which implemented reforms associated with politicians and bodies like Nicolas Sarkozy, François Hollande, and the Ministry of the Interior (France), culminating in the 2015 regional elections where parties including the Socialist Party (France), The Republicans (France), and National Rally (France) contested seats; the fusion of Languedoc-Roussillon and Midi-Pyrénées created a region whose historical territories reference former provinces such as Languedoc, Gascony, and Roussillon and cultural movements like the Occitan language revival and institutions like the Institut d'Estudis Occitans.
Early sessions built on precedents from assemblies such as the Conseil régional de Languedoc-Roussillon and the Conseil régional de Midi-Pyrénées with leadership drawn from figures including Carole Delga and opposition voices from politicians associated with Jean-Luc Mélenchon, Marine Le Pen, and Laurent Wauquiez; the council's evolution has been shaped by landmark events like the 2016 Nice truck attack response measures, regional infrastructure programs tied to projects like the LGV Montpellier–Perpignan debates, and litigation before administrative bodies such as the Conseil d'État and Cour des comptes.
The assembly comprises 158 councillors elected from departmental constituencies including Haute-Garonne, Hérault, Pyrénées-Orientales, Tarn, and Aveyron, representing parties such as the Socialist Party (France), La République En Marche!, Europe Ecology – The Greens, The Republicans (France), and National Rally (France), with groupings mirroring national coalitions like alliances seen in the 2017 French legislative election and local coalitions referencing movements such as Occitanie (political movement).
Political groups organize around leaders who coordinate with parliamentary entities like the European Parliament delegations from France, and with unions such as the Confédération générale du travail and Confédération française démocratique du travail when negotiating regional labor or training programs; the council's internal bodies include commissions influenced by standards from institutions like the Direction générale des collectivités locales, and oversight interacts with the Autorité environnementale and the Commission nationale du débat public.
The council exercises competences defined by laws such as the NOTRe law and responsibilities formerly distributed under statutes associated with the State of France; core sectors include regional transport networks interfacing with operators like SNCF and projects referenced in plans such as the Plan vélo national, oversight of high schools in coordination with the Ministry of National Education (France), economic development programs linked to stakeholders like Chambers of Commerce and Industry and corporations such as Airbus, and cultural promotion involving entities like the Musée des Augustins and festivals such as Festival d'Avignon.
It develops territorial planning instruments akin to frameworks used by the Schéma régional d'aménagement and implements environmental policies aligning with directives from the European Commission and agreements like the Paris Agreement, while administering vocational training schemes collaborating with organisations such as Pôle emploi and funding research initiatives with universities like Université Toulouse III — Paul Sabatier and research centers like CNRS.
Regional councillors are elected under the two-round list proportional representation system with majority bonus mandated by electoral codes applied in the 2015 French regional elections and subsequent regional contests, with thresholds and seat allocations administered by the Ministry of the Interior (France) and contested in past cases before the Conseil d'État; territorial divisions correspond to departments including Gard and Tarn-et-Garonne, and campaigns often feature national figures from parties including Socialist Party (France), National Rally (France), The Republicans (France), and movements such as La France Insoumise.
Turnout and electoral dynamics are influenced by national cycles evident during the 2017 French presidential election and 2022 French legislative election, while campaign finance rules follow laws enforced by the Commission nationale des comptes de campagne et des financements politiques with frequent scrutiny from media outlets like Le Monde and France 3 Occitanie.
Administrative operations occur in regional headquarters in Toulouse with executive functions led by the president and vice-presidents organized into thematic delegations such as transport, education, and economic affairs, supported by a permanent civil service drawn from pools associated with the École nationale d'administration and regional directorates liaising with ministries including the Ministry of Ecological Transition (France).
The council uses committees and sessions governed by rules inspired by procedures from assemblies like the Assemblée nationale and administrative precedents from the Conseil d'État; interregional cooperation engages with bodies like the Association of European Border Regions and cross-border initiatives with Catalonia and Andorra.
Budgetary authority adopts annual budgets scrutinized in lines compatible with rules from the Cour des comptes and accounting standards similar to those used by municipal councils including Mairie de Toulouse, funding capital expenditure for infrastructure projects such as regional roads and rail upgrades often co-financed with the European Investment Bank and the Agence de financement des infrastructures de transport de France.
Revenue sources combine transfers from the State of France, local taxation instruments like the taxe d'habitation reforms impact, and EU funds such as the European Social Fund; financial oversight includes audits and performance evaluations with recommendations published by auditing bodies like the Cour des comptes and subject to debate in media outlets including France Bleu Occitanie.
Prominent initiatives include support for the aerospace cluster around Toulouse, investment in research partnerships with institutions like Université de Montpellier and CNRS, major transport programs debating high-speed rail links such as the LGV Montpellier–Perpignan and improvements to regional rail services operated by SNCF, cultural promotion of the Occitan language with UNESCO-related cultural heritage discussions, and environmental actions aligned with COP21 objectives including renewables projects collaborating with companies such as EDF and programmes funded by the European Regional Development Fund.
Other policies address vocational training schemes with Pôle emploi coordination, tourism strategies connecting sites like Carcassonne and Cévennes National Park, and innovation clusters including cooperation with firms like Thales and startups incubated by BIC Toulouse.
Category:Politics of Occitanie