Latinobarómetro

Latinobarómetro
Name	Latinobarómetro
Type	Nonprofit research organization
Founded	1995
Founder	Mario Sznajder
Headquarters	Santiago, Chile
Area served	Latin America

Latinobarómetro Latinobarómetro is an annual public opinion survey covering multiple nations across Latin America. It produces comparative data on political attitudes, institutional trust, social perceptions, and electoral preferences, and has been widely used by scholars, policymakers, and media outlets to analyze trends in the region. The project’s datasets are frequently cited in studies of democratization, party systems, and regional integration.

History and founding

The project was initiated in 1995 against the backdrop of post-dictatorship transitions in countries such as Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil. Early collaborators included researchers linked to institutions like the Inter-American Development Bank, the University of Chile, and the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile. Over time, networks of survey firms and academic centers in capitals such as Santiago de Chile, Buenos Aires, Montevideo, Brasília, and Mexico City expanded the operation. The initiative intersected with comparative efforts exemplified by projects such as the World Values Survey, the Latin American Public Opinion Project, and regional monitoring by the Organization of American States.

Methodology and sampling

The survey employs multi-stage probability sampling, typically using stratification by urban/rural units and census tracts in cities like Lima, Quito, and Bogotá. Fieldwork often relies on partnered polling firms certified by national statistical agencies such as Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas (Chile) or equivalents in Peru and Colombia. Sampling frames have drawn on national censuses conducted by agencies like the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos (Argentina) and the Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (Peru). Questionnaires are administered by trained interviewers in households across provinces, departments, and states such as Jujuy Province, Cusco Region, and Amazonas (Peru). Weighting procedures adjust for demographic distributions found in censuses overseen by bodies like the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

Survey topics and questionnaires

Question batteries cover institutional confidence in actors such as the Presidency of Argentina, the Supreme Court of Chile, and municipal authorities in cities like Santo Domingo. Modules probe perceptions of corruption involving actors like the Fujimori administration era and scandals linked to business groups and parties such as Partido Justicialista or Partido dos Trabalhadores. Economic perception items reference indicators in nations like Venezuela, Ecuador, and Costa Rica. Items on crime and insecurity connect to events in locales like Ciudad Juárez, San Salvador, and Rio de Janeiro. Political identification and voting intention batteries mention movements and parties including Movimiento al Socialismo (Bolivia), Frente Amplio (Uruguay), and National Action Party (Mexico). Social questions have touched on attitudes toward policy debates relating to institutions such as the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and accords like the Treaty of Asunción.

Countries covered and fieldwork schedule

The survey’s coverage typically spans over 18 to 20 nations across regions that include Central America, Caribbean territories, and the Southern Cone. Participating countries have included Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, Venezuela, Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Panama, Costa Rica, Belize, and the Dominican Republic. Fieldwork is scheduled annually with waves often occurring between March and September to capture intra-year dynamics; exceptional events such as presidential elections in Brazil 2018 presidential election or crises like the Venezuelan presidential crisis have prompted additional focused modules.

Major findings and trends

Longitudinal results have documented shifts in institutional trust, showing declines in confidence toward national legislatures in countries like Mexico and Peru and cyclical recoveries in presidencies post-crisis in places such as Chile. Data series have traced attitudes toward democracy versus authoritarian alternatives across electorates in Argentina and Bolivia, and have charted changing perceptions of corruption, aligning with high-profile probes like the Operation Car Wash investigations. Economic sentiment indicators have correlated with macroeconomic episodes exemplified by the Argentine economic crisis and commodity booms linked to Soybean boom in Argentina and Brazil. Migration and emigration attitudes have been analyzed vis-à-vis transit routes through Central America and destinations such as United States cities. The survey’s cross-national panels have supported comparative studies on partisanship realignment seen in movements like Cambio Democrático and the rise of outsider candidates exemplified by figures associated with Peronism and anti-establishment coalitions.

Criticisms and controversies

Critiques have addressed sampling challenges in hard-to-reach areas such as the Amazon Basin and border regions adjoining Venezuela and Colombia, and methodological debates about telephone versus face-to-face modes in contexts like COVID-19 pandemic in South America. Scholars and commentators have questioned item wording equivalence across languages such as Spanish and Portuguese and the comparability of constructs in indigenous-majority provinces like Potosí Department and Guaymí territories. Occasionally, national governments and political actors in countries like Venezuela and Nicaragua have disputed findings, raising debates akin to controversies around other survey projects linked to entities such as the Pew Research Center. Discussions persist about transparency, replication, and the appropriateness of weighting strategies used in contested electoral years such as Ecuador 2017 presidential election.

Category:Public opinion research