Generated by GPT-5-mini| World Values Survey | |
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| Name | World Values Survey |
| Type | Cross-national social survey |
| Established | 1981 |
| Founders | Ronald Inglehart, Rokkan Prize |
| Scope | Global |
| Waves | Multiple |
| Disciplines | Sociology, Political science, Anthropology |
World Values Survey The World Values Survey is a long-term, cross-national research program that measures people’s values, beliefs, and cultural change across societies. It tracks comparative opinion trends on topics such as religion, politics, trust, and well‑being across hundreds of national populations. Launched by scholars and institutions with international partners, the project informs debates in United Nations General Assembly, European Union, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, and regional bodies.
The project was initiated by social scientists including Ronald Inglehart and developed through collaborations with universities such as the University of Michigan, University of Torino, and institutes like the European Values Study and the World Bank. It collects data on attitudes toward institutions such as the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization, and on issues raised in international fora like the Millennium Summit and the Sustainable Development Goals. The survey has informed analyses by scholars associated with the Princeton University, Harvard University, and the London School of Economics.
Fieldwork protocols combine probability sampling designs used by national census bureaus, pollsters, and academic centers including the NORC at the University of Chicago and the Pew Research Center. Question modules often address comparative projects such as the European Social Survey and the International Social Survey Programme to enable harmonization across waves. Samples aim to represent adult populations in countries such as India, China, Brazil, Russia, United States, and smaller polities like Iceland and Bhutan. Survey modes have included face-to-face interviews, telephone surveys modeled on protocols from the Gallup Poll tradition, and mixed-mode strategies used by the National Opinion Research Center. Quality control draws on standards from organizations like the International Statistical Institute and follows ethical review procedures akin to those of the World Health Organization.
The project’s chronology aligns with geopolitical shifts marked by events like the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the Dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the European Union enlargement. Early waves focused on postindustrial societies in Western Europe and North America, later expanding to postcommunist states such as Poland, Czech Republic, and Ukraine, and to rising economies like China, India, Brazil, and South Africa. Subsequent waves captured attitudes during global episodes including the Global Financial Crisis of 2007–2008, the Arab Spring, and the COVID‑19 pandemic responses, enabling analyses tied to meetings hosted by the World Economic Forum and policy responses from the International Monetary Fund.
Analyses have documented shifts described in scholarship on secularization linked to authors such as Max Weber and scholars at the Columbia University. Findings highlight correlations between cultural change and indicators of development tracked by the United Nations Development Programme and the World Bank Group, and have informed debates involving thinkers from Stanford University and the University of Chicago. The survey reports patterns in civic membership related to organizations like the Red Cross, attitudes toward democracy referenced in materials from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, and trends in interpersonal trust comparable to those observed in research by the OECD. Cross-national comparisons often draw on theoretical frames advanced by scholars affiliated with Yale University and the University of California, Berkeley.
Methodological critiques have been raised in literature from the American Political Science Association and by researchers at institutions such as King’s College London concerning translation equivalence and measurement invariance across languages like Mandarin Chinese, Arabic, and Russian. Debates over sampling in fragile contexts cite challenges similar to those encountered by surveyors in regions affected by the Syrian Civil War and the Iraq War. Concerns about the use of public opinion data in policymaking have been voiced in forums involving the European Commission and critics from the Brookings Institution and Cato Institute.
Policymakers and scholars have used the dataset to inform reports by bodies such as the United Nations Development Programme, the European Commission, and the Organization for Security and Co‑operation in Europe. Research drawing on the survey appears in journals affiliated with the American Sociological Association and the American Political Science Association, and has been cited in books published by presses including Oxford University Press and Cambridge University Press. Nonprofit organizations and think tanks such as the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the RAND Corporation have used findings to contextualize work on democratization, migration, and social capital.
Data are distributed to researchers and institutions including the Inter‑University Consortium for Political and Social Research and repositories linked to the Harvard Dataverse. Workshops and conferences convene partners from universities like University of Oxford, Sciences Po, and policy organizations including the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Collaborative outputs have included comparative studies co‑authored by scholars from University of Toronto, Australian National University, and National University of Singapore.
Category:Social surveys