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| Coordination Arauco-Malleco | |
|---|---|
| Name | Coordination Arauco-Malleco |
| Native name | Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco |
| Founded | 1998 |
| Area | Araucanía Region |
| Ideology | Mapuche self-determination; Indigenous autonomy |
| Headquarters | Temuco (reported) |
Coordination Arauco-Malleco
Coordination Arauco-Malleco is a Mapuche armed collective active in the Araucanía Region, linked in public discourse to land reclamation, direct action, and clandestine operations. Founded in the late 1990s amid disputes involving the Mapuche conflict, the group has appeared in contexts involving CONADI, Alto Bío-Bío, and confrontations near Temuco, Cañete, and Lumaco.
The organization emerged during the post-dictatorship era when issues raised by Ricardo Lagos administration land policies intersected with activism associated with figures like Aucán Huilcamán and institutions such as Consejo de Todas las Tierras. Early incidents were reported alongside occupations involving communities connected to families like the Cheuquepán and disputes over estates once owned by María Ester Fernández. High-profile moments occurred during the 2000s, with simultaneous tensions invoking responses from ministers including Ximena Rincón and security operations referencing units such as the Carabineros de Chile and prosecutors connected to Ministerio Público. Episodes have overlapped with events tied to actors like Camila Vallejo's political milieu and parliamentary debates in the Congreso Nacional de Chile.
Its stated aims draw on Mapuche concepts found in discussions by scholars referencing Ngulumapu and terminologies used by leaders like Aucán Huilcamán and Dominga Catrillanca's relatives. The group's discourse echoes materials circulated during forums at Universidad de Chile and statements responding to policies from administrations of Ricardo Lagos, Michelle Bachelet, and Sebastián Piñera. Objectives articulated publicly and through communiqués reference restitution issues similar to claims pursued via Comunidad Indígena mechanisms and treaties such as the historical Treaty of Quilín, while resonating with narratives in works by authors like Sergio Villalobos and activists associated with Gabriel Boric's era.
Analyses in the press and by commentators in outlets like La Tercera, El Mercurio, and Radio Bio-Bio describe a decentralized pattern resembling cells seen in other Latin American movements such as those discussed in relation to EZLN and Montoneros. Observers reference networks with ties to communities in Arauco Province, Malleco Province, Cautín Province, and rural sectors near Lanco and Collipulli. Law enforcement statements by Fiscalía Nacional note alleged operational links, while academic studies at Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile and Universidad de La Frontera compare its structure to models studied by sociologists like Manuel Antonio Garretón.
Reported activities attributed to the group include arson against rural properties, sabotage of forestry equipment owned by companies such as Forestal Arauco, and occupation of land parcels tied to actors like Benito Baranda's networks. Incidents referenced in judicial proceedings have drawn involvement from courts including Corte de Apelaciones de Temuco and federal prosecutors seeking charges under statutes applied by Ministerio del Interior. Operations occasionally coincide with protests involving organizations like Coordinadora Plurinacional and events where figures such as Eugenio Tironi provided commentary. Specific cases have intersected with investigations that mention individuals like Camilo Catrillanca and court filings in cities such as Angol.
Relations with established Mapuche institutions such as Consejo de Todas las Tierras, Congreso Nacional Mapuche, and municipal communities recognized by CONADI are complex: some leaders condemn violent tactics while others sympathize with land claims raised in communiqués. The group’s rhetoric has been compared with positions expressed during assemblies involving representatives like Aucán Huilcamán and cultural advocates such as Mercedes Peñaloza. Alliances and tensions have been visible during campaigns by political parties including Partido Socialista de Chile, Revolución Democrática, and personalities like Camila Vallejo and Gabriel Boric who have addressed indigenous rights in legislative debates at the Palacio de La Moneda.
The Chilean state has treated actions attributed to the collective through policing by Carabineros de Chile, prosecutions by Ministerio Público, and legislation debated in the Congreso Nacional de Chile, including proposals referencing public order statutes used since the Pinochet era. Security operations have invoked units like the GOPE and led to arrests in jurisdictions under courts such as the Juzgado de Garantía de Temuco. Presidents including Ricardo Lagos, Michelle Bachelet, and Sebastián Piñera responded with varying mixes of enforcement and social programs administered via ministries such as Ministerio de Desarrollo Social and land initiatives referenced by CONADI.
International bodies including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and rapporteurs from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have commented on episodes involving alleged abuses, detention procedures, and the use of exceptional policing powers. Reports have drawn parallels in international forums alongside discussions of indigenous rights at the United Nations and scrutiny comparable to cases involving groups like Shining Path in Peru and FARC in Colombia. Human rights debates have involved figures such as Michelle Bachelet in her role at the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and led to recommendations echoed in statements by members of the European Parliament and diplomats accredited from countries like Norway and Sweden.
Category:Mapuche conflict Category:Indigenous organizations in Chile