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| Coalition of Latino Leaders | |
|---|---|
| Name | Coalition of Latino Leaders |
| Formation | 2000s |
| Type | Nonprofit |
| Purpose | Civic engagement |
| Headquarters | Dallas, Texas |
| Region served | United States |
| Leader title | President |
Coalition of Latino Leaders is a nonprofit civic organization based in Dallas, Texas focused on Latino and Hispanic civic participation, leadership development, and community advocacy. The organization operates within a network of civic, political, and philanthropic institutions to influence public policy and increase Latino representation in electoral processes. Coalitions with local and national groups shape its strategies across the American Southwest and urban centers.
The organization was founded amid regional mobilization following high-profile events such as the 2000 United States presidential election, the 2006 Great American Boycott, and ongoing debates after the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act, connecting activists from cities like Dallas, Houston, San Antonio, El Paso, and Phoenix. Early collaborators included leaders from League of United Latin American Citizens, Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, National Council of La Raza (NCLR), MALDEF, Hispanic Federation, and community figures influenced by campaigns of politicians such as Henry Cisneros, Julian Castro, Silvestre Reyes, and Veronica Escobar. Over time the group built partnerships with civic outfits like NALEO Educational Fund, Voto Latino, Mi Familia Vota, Texas Organizing Project, and electoral initiatives aligned with organizations such as Campaign Legal Center and Brennan Center for Justice.
The stated mission emphasizes civic engagement, leadership training, and public policy advocacy designed to expand Latino participation in municipal, state, and federal processes alongside efforts by entities like U.S. Census Bureau outreach drives and Department of Justice voting rights enforcement. Goals include increasing turnout similar to efforts by Rock the Vote and League of Conservation Voters when addressing Latino constituencies, promoting candidate pipelines comparable to EMILY's List and New American Leaders Project, and influencing legislation akin to campaigns by UnidosUS and Center for American Progress on issues impacting Latino communities.
Programs often mirror models employed by AmeriCorps-style fellowships, including leadership fellowships inspired by Rockefeller Brothers Fund grantees, voter registration drives paralleling When We All Vote, and civic education curricula used by Teach For America alumni in partnership with local school districts such as Dallas Independent School District. Initiatives have included community canvassing coordinated with grassroots groups like Faith in Texas, legal clinics referencing precedents from Plyler v. Doe and Shelby County v. Holder impacts, and policy forums that bring together scholars from University of Texas at Austin, Southern Methodist University, University of California, Los Angeles, and Harvard Kennedy School.
The organization is governed by a board similar to governance models of Ford Foundation-funded nonprofits and staffed with program directors who previously held roles at Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities, National Hispanic Media Coalition, and municipal offices of electeds such as Antonio Villaraigosa or Susan Rodriguez. Leadership roles include an executive director, development director, and field directors who coordinate with county election officials in jurisdictions like Dallas County, Travis County, and Maricopa County. Advisory councils often feature figures from philanthropic institutions including Carnegie Corporation of New York, W.K. Kellogg Foundation, and legal experts from firms active in civil rights litigation.
Advocacy campaigns have targeted legislation and administrative actions shaped by cases like Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California and statutes such as the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (in its historic application). The coalition’s voter mobilization efforts have been compared to successes credited to Mi Familia Vota and Voto Latino in increasing turnout among Latino electorates in battleground locales like Texas, Florida, Nevada, and Arizona. Policy white papers and testimony have been submitted to entities including the U.S. Congress and state legislatures, and collaboration with media outlets such as Univision, Telemundo, and The Washington Post has amplified messaging on immigration reform, healthcare access, and redistricting.
Funding sources typically include grants from national foundations like W.K. Kellogg Foundation, Ford Foundation, Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and civic funds from institutions such as Knight Foundation and Annie E. Casey Foundation. The organization partners with civic groups including NALEO, NCLR, Maldef, Brennan Center for Justice, and electoral organizers such as Common Cause and League of Women Voters. Corporate and university partnerships have involved entities such as AT&T, Google, Microsoft, University of Texas System, and philanthropic arms of BBVA and Wells Fargo.
Critiques mirror those leveled at similar advocacy groups, including debates over partisanship akin to controversies involving MoveOn.org and Priorities USA, scrutiny over grant allocation resembling disputes faced by Planned Parenthood, and disputes about effectiveness in voter persuasion compared with organizations like Perkins Coie-affiliated campaigns. Legal challenges and election-law disputes have occasionally implicated allies and opponents such as Texas Republican Party, Arizona Republican Party, Democratic National Committee, and Republican National Committee in broader litigation over voter outreach, ballot access, and districting. Some commentators associated with outlets like The New York Times and Fox News have questioned strategy, transparency, and impact metrics.
Category:Non-profit organizations based in Texas Category:Hispanic and Latino American organizations