"Bombard the Headquarters"

"Bombard the Headquarters"
Name	Bombard the Headquarters
Date	July 1967
Place	People's Republic of China
Type	Political slogan and campaign
Participants	Mao Zedong, Cultural Revolution, People's Liberation Army, Red Guards, Lin Biao, Peng Dehuai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Chen Boda

"Bombard the Headquarters" was a political slogan and directive associated with a 1967 phase of the Cultural Revolution in the People's Republic of China. It crystallized a factional struggle within the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and precipitated major confrontations involving the People's Liberation Army, urban Red Guards, provincial authorities such as in Shanghai and Guangdong, and central figures including Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, and Zhou Enlai. The campaign influenced nationwide purges, local power struggles, and the trajectory of Chinese politics through the late 1960s.

Background and Origins

The slogan emerged amid the broader turmoil of the Cultural Revolution which followed directives from Mao Zedong, debates at the Eleventh Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee, and earlier movements like the Hundred Flowers Campaign. Tensions between proponents of radicalism such as Lin Biao and ideologues like Chen Boda and moderate leaders including Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping framed the context. Provincial uprisings in Hunan, Sichuan, and Beijing overpowered municipal authorities and intersected with factional pamphlets circulated in places like Tianjin and Shenyang. The slogan's antecedents can be traced to polemics addressed in journals associated with People's Daily, debates at Peking University, and writings linked to the Central Cultural Revolution Group.

The July 1967 Campaign and Events

In July 1967, directives attributed to supporters of Mao intensified confrontations in hubs such as Shanghai, where the Shanghai Commune formation and clashes between rival organizations echoed scenes from earlier uprisings in Wuhan and Guangzhou. The People's Liberation Army was ordered to intervene in disputes that involved workplace committees, factory cadres, and mass organizations in cities including Changsha, Kunming, and Nanjing. Conflicts unfolded alongside struggles over control of media outlets like Shanghai People's Press, the seizure of local party apparatuses in Inner Mongolia, and violent incidents connected to paramilitary groups in Henan and Jiangxi. International repercussions touched diplomatic missions in Washington, D.C. and reactions in socialist allies such as Albania and North Korea.

Key Figures and Factional Dynamics

Prominent actors included Mao Zedong, ideological leader Lin Biao, policy influencer Chen Boda, premier Zhou Enlai, and purged president Liu Shaoqi. Competing factions featured the Central Cultural Revolution Group, provincial revolutionary committees in provinces like Shaanxi and Hebei, and military leaders from the People's Liberation Army high command. Local actors ranged from radical students connected to Peking University and cadres from factories such as those in Shanghai’s Jinshan District to provincial leaders in Guangdong and Hubei. International communist figures and parties, including Josip Broz Tito-era Yugoslav commentators and delegations to Moscow-aligned forums, observed factional developments closely, affecting Sino-Soviet relations.

Political and Military Rationale

Advocates argued that aggressive measures were necessary to root out alleged "capitalist roaders" and restore revolutionary purity, citing precedents like earlier proletarian campaigns and references to revolutionary theory from texts associated with Marx, Lenin, and Maoist writings. Military involvement by the People's Liberation Army was justified as a stabilizing force, drawing on doctrines tested during the Chinese Civil War and revolutionary campaigns in Yan'an and Jiangxi Soviet history. Opponents warned of the breakdown of institutional norms codified in party statutes from the First Congress of the CCP era and invoked legal frameworks from the Constitution of the People's Republic of China to critique extrajudicial actions.

Outcomes and Consequences

The campaign accelerated purges of officials such as Liu Shaoqi and led to restructuring efforts that produced revolutionary committees across provinces including Fujian and Zhejiang. It weakened technocratic cadres and empowered military figures, contributing indirectly to changes that endured into the 1970s and paved the way for later policies under leaders like Deng Xiaoping after the Death of Mao Zedong. Social consequences included disruptions in education at institutions like Tsinghua University and Renmin University of China, economic dislocation in industrial centers such as Shenyang and Wuhan, and ethnic tensions in regions like Tibet and Xinjiang. The international image of the People's Republic of China shifted, affecting relations with the United States prior to rapprochement and altering perceptions among Non-Aligned Movement members.

Historiography and Interpretations

Scholars have debated intentions and impacts, with interpretations offered by historians focused on factional politics, military archives, and oral histories from figures in Beijing and provincial capitals. Works drawing on newly available party documents analyze roles of the Central Cultural Revolution Group, the Politburo, and the Central Military Commission, while comparative studies relate the campaign to other revolutionary moments like the Paris May 1968 events. Interpretations differ: some frame the episode as a deliberate consolidation of Maoist authority, others as an emergent crisis of party legitimacy, and still others emphasize local agency in provinces such as Henan and Guangdong. Ongoing archival releases and memoirs from participants continue to shape consensus among historians in research centers at institutions including Peking University, Fudan University, and international universities with China studies programs.

Category:Cultural Revolution