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| Plano Brasil Sem Miséria | |
|---|---|
| Name | Plano Brasil Sem Miséria |
| Implemented | 2011 |
| Country | Brazil |
| Leader | Dilma Rousseff |
| Predecessor | Lula da Silva |
| Ministries | Ministry of Social Development |
| Type | National social policy |
Plano Brasil Sem Miséria is a Brazilian national initiative launched in 2011 under Dilma Rousseff to eradicate extreme poverty through integrated social, fiscal, and sectoral interventions. The plan built on prior programs associated with Lula da Silva and sought to coordinate actions across ministries such as the Ministry of Social Development, the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of Education. It targeted municipalities in the Northeast Region and other historically underserved areas including the North Region and parts of the Central-West Region.
The initiative followed social policy trends established by Programa Bolsa Família and the Zero Hunger Campaign, linking cash transfers to conditionalities in health and education modeled after global efforts such as Conditional cash transfer programs in Mexico and Colombia. It aimed to reduce metrics tracked by institutions like the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics and international organizations including the World Bank, the United Nations Development Programme, and the Inter-American Development Bank. Objectives included increasing coverage of Family Health Strategy units under the Ministry of Health, expanding access to schooling promoted by the Ministry of Education, and linking beneficiaries to labor initiatives associated with the Ministry of Labour and Employment.
Measures combined cash transfer expansion tied to Programa Bolsa Família with targeted access to public services such as primary care through the Family Health Strategy, potable water programs linked to the National Water Agency, and electricity extension projects associated with Eletrobras. Rural interventions drew on technical assistance models from the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform and coordination with the Ministry of Agrarian Development. Skills training and employment insertion connected beneficiaries to programs administered by the National Service for Industrial Training (SENAI), the National Service for Commercial Learning (SENAC), and the Brazilian Micro and Small Business Support Service (SEBRAE). Financial inclusion measures leveraged institutions like the Banco do Brasil, the Caixa Econômica Federal, and initiatives inspired by the Grameen Bank model.
Administration relied on federal-state-municipal coordination, involving state governments such as Bahia, Pernambuco, Maranhão, and municipal administrations including Salvador and Fortaleza. The plan used data from the Cadastro Único registry to target households and coordinate with agencies like the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics for monitoring. Oversight involved parliamentary interfaces with the National Congress of Brazil and accountability mechanisms including audits by the Federal Audit Court. Implementation partnerships included civil society organizations such as Caritas Internationalis affiliates, faith-based groups, and international donors including the United Nations, the World Health Organization, and the International Labour Organization.
Reported outcomes cited by proponents included reductions in extreme poverty metrics similar to those documented in studies by the World Bank and United Nations Development Programme and increased enrollment figures tracked by the Ministry of Education. Health indicators improved in targeted municipalities through expanded Family Health Strategy coverage and collaboration with the Ministry of Health and the Brazilian Unified Health System. Labor-market linkages yielded varying results with programs coordinated with the Ministry of Labour and Employment and vocational providers such as SENAI and SENAC. Regional development agencies and research centers including the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics and universities like the University of São Paulo produced evaluations comparing performance across states such as Rio Grande do Norte, Ceará, and Piauí.
Critics from political parties like the Brazilian Social Democracy Party and commentators in media outlets such as Folha de S.Paulo and O Globo argued about sustainability, fiscal costs debated in the Ministry of Finance and by economists associated with the IPEA. Academic critiques from scholars at institutions like the Getulio Vargas Foundation and the Federal University of Minas Gerais questioned targeting efficiency, dependence risks, and monitoring systems tied to the Cadastro Único. Legal and procedural controversies involved scrutiny by the Federal Police (Brazil) and debates in the Supreme Federal Court of Brazil about administrative prerogatives and fiscal responsibility under frameworks influenced by laws such as the Fiscal Responsibility Law. Opposition groups including the Brazilian Social Democracy Party and think tanks like the Brazilian Institute of Business Administration highlighted trade-offs with investment in infrastructure and macroeconomic policy steered by the Central Bank of Brazil.
The program shaped subsequent social policy debates during administrations of Michel Temer and the return of Lula da Silva to office, influencing redesigns in conditional transfer policy and poverty reduction strategies discussed in forums like the United Nations General Assembly and by multilateral lenders such as the Inter-American Development Bank. Legacy institutions that continued elements include the Ministry of Social Development frameworks, municipal programs in states like Rio Grande do Sul and Pará, and academic curricula at centers such as the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and the University of Brasília. The plan remains cited in comparative studies by the World Bank, UNDP, and think tanks including the Brookings Institution and Inter-American Dialogue as a case of integrated poverty reduction policy in Latin America.
Category:Social policy of Brazil