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| National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) | |
|---|---|
| Name | National Union of Mineworkers |
| Founded | 1945 |
| Headquarters | Barnsley, Sheffield, Nottingham |
| Members | 100,000–200,000 (peak) |
| Key people | Arthur Scargill, Hector Walkden, Mick McGahey |
| Country | United Kingdom |
National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) The National Union of Mineworkers was a British trade union formed in 1945 to represent coal miners across England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. It played a central role in post‑war labour relations involving the Ministry of Fuel and Power, the National Coal Board, and successive Conservative Party and Labour Party administrations. NUM leaders engaged with figures from the Trades Union Congress and international bodies such as the World Federation of Trade Unions.
The union was established following consolidation of pre‑war unions including the Miners' Federation of Great Britain and regional bodies like the South Yorkshire Miners' Association and the Yorkshire Miners' Association. Early decades involved disputes with the National Coal Board over nationalisation implemented by the Coal Industry Nationalisation Act 1946. NUM activity intersected with national events such as the 1950s miners' strikes, the Winter of Discontent, and the industrial confrontations of the 1970s with Prime Ministers Edward Heath and Margaret Thatcher. Leadership figures including Arthur Scargill, Lawrence Daly, and Mick McGahey shaped campaigns during the 1972 miners' strike and the pivotal 1984–85 miners' strike which brought the NUM into direct conflict with the Conservative Party (UK) government, the National Coal Board, and police forces including the West Yorkshire Police. International solidarity came from unions like the United Mine Workers of America and political parties such as the Communist Party of Great Britain.
NUM governance mirrored industrial unions with a national executive, area committees, and lodge branches rooted in pits like Barnsley, Easington Colliery, and Aberfan. The national executive interfaced with institutions including the Trades Union Congress and local authorities such as South Yorkshire County Council. Regional divisions corresponded to historical bodies such as the Durham Miners' Association and the Glasgow and West of Scotland Coalfield. Key offices included General Secretary and President; notable officeholders were Arthur Scargill and Joe Gormley. Disciplinary and strike ballot mechanisms referenced laws like the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act 1974 and later legislation such as the Employment Act 1980.
Membership peaked mid‑20th century with strong concentrations in coalfields of South Yorkshire, County Durham, Welsh Coalfield, Fife, and Nottinghamshire. Demographic patterns showed familial mining communities from pits such as Kellingley Colliery and Rhondda with cultural ties to institutions including the Cooperative Party and Working Men's Club and Institute Union. Shifts in membership were driven by closures under policies linked to the National Coal Board and later privatisation under John Major and policy frameworks influenced by the European Economic Community era. NUM membership included diverse regional identities represented by local lodges tied to unions like the Yorkshire Miners' Association.
The union led or participated in major actions including the 1972 miners' strike, the 1974 miners' strike, and the nationally consequential 1984–85 miners' strike. Earlier disputes involved pit closures and pay disputes in the 1950s and 1960s and local actions such as the Aston Colliery stoppages. The 1984–85 action saw confrontations at sites including Orgreave and legal disputes invoking judges and institutions like the High Court of Justice; it drew involvement from political leaders such as Margaret Thatcher and union allies like the Transport and General Workers' Union. NUM tactics included mass picketing, national ballot calls referencing the Trades Union and Labour Relations Act 1974, and appeals for international support from bodies such as the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
NUM engaged extensively with the Labour Party (UK) through block votes at Labour Party conference, sponsored MPs in constituencies across the Coalfields and aligned with organisations such as the Co-operative Party. Its political posture ranged from social partnership approaches to radical left positions associated with groups like the National Union of Mineworkers (1984) leadership and influences from the Communist Party of Great Britain and Socialist Workers Party. The union lobbied governments from Clement Attlee to Tony Blair on industrial, safety and social issues, and often clashed with administrations from Edward Heath to Margaret Thatcher.
NUM campaigns addressed mine safety reforms after disasters such as Aberfan disaster and the Universal Colliery incidents, advocating statutory measures tied to the Coal Industry Nationalisation Act 1946 frameworks and safety regimes managed by the Health and Safety Executive. Economic campaigns targeted pay negotiations with the National Coal Board, fuel policy debates involving the Ministry of Fuel and Power, and opposition to pit closures promoted by secretaries like Ian McGregor. NUM also campaigned on community welfare, housing in coalfield towns like Barnsley and Easington, and for retraining schemes co‑operating with bodies such as the Manpower Services Commission.
Controversies included allegations of ballot irregularities, financial disputes involving NUM funds and the Miners' Support Group, and tactical criticisms over mass picketing at events like Orgreave that provoked police action by forces including the South Yorkshire Police. Political critics from the Conservative Party (UK) and media outlets such as The Times (London) blamed the union for economic disruption during the Winter of Discontent and the 1984–85 strike. Internal divisions emerged between regional leaders in Nottinghamshire and national leadership around strike strategy, resulting in expulsions and splinter groups and legal challenges in courts including the Court of Appeal. NUM's legacy remains debated among historians referencing works on British labour history and biographies of leaders like Arthur Scargill.
Category:Trade unions in the United Kingdom