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Maulana Sami ul Haq

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Parent: Jalaluddin Haqqani Hop 4
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Maulana Sami ul Haq
Maulana Sami ul Haq
Difae Haramain, Uploaded by Owais Al Qarni · CC BY 3.0 · source
NameSami ul Haq
Native nameمولانا سمیع الحق
Birth date18 December 1937
Death date2 November 2018
Birth placeAkora Khattak, Nowshera District, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, British India
Death placeIslamabad, Pakistan
Alma materDarul Uloom Deoband, Darul Uloom Haqqania
OccupationCleric, politician, scholar
PartyJamiat Ulema-e-Islam (S)

Maulana Sami ul Haq was a Pakistani Deobandi theologian, madrasa principal, and politician who led Darul Uloom Haqqania and founded the political party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (S). He was widely known for his influence on conservative religious circles, links to Taliban leaders, and role as a kingmaker in Pakistani politics until his assassination in 2018. His life intersected with figures and institutions across Pakistan, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, United States, and United Kingdom political-religious networks.

Early life and education

Born in Akora Khattak in Nowshera District during British India, he belonged to a family with roots in the Pashtun Khattak tribe. He studied at regional madrasas before enrolling at Darul Uloom Deoband in Uttar Pradesh and later taught at Darul Uloom Haqqania before assuming its principalship, connecting with scholars from Jamia Uloom-ul-Islamia, Wifaq ul Madaris Al-Arabia, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, and clerical networks in Punjab, Sindh, and Balochistan. His education linked him to prominent Deobandi ulema such as Hafiz Muhammad Amin, Khalil Ahmad Saharanpuri, Muhammad Tayyib Qasmi, and contemporaries in Aligarh and Lucknow seminaries.

Religious leadership and teachings

As head of Darul Uloom Haqqania, he presided over a curriculum influenced by Hanafi jurisprudence and the pedagogical models of Darul Uloom Deoband, emphasizing Hadith exegesis, Tafsir, and classical texts like works by Imam Abu Hanifa, Imam Bukhari, and Imam Muslim. He issued religious opinions interacting with institutions such as Wifaqul Madaris, Council of Islamic Ideology, Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan, and drew visits from clerics affiliated with Al-Azhar University, Jamia Millia Islamia, University of Madinah, and scholars like Abdul Aziz bin Baz and Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani. His madrasa network connected graduates to madrasas in Kabul, Peshawar, Quetta, Multan, and Lahore and to movements including Deobandi movement, Tablighi Jamaat, and conservative branches within Barelvi and Ahl-e-Hadith milieus.

Political career and affiliations

He founded Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (S), a splinter of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam historically associated with leaders like Sami-ul-Haq's contemporaries Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Mufti Mahmood, and linked to parliamentary alliances such as Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal and coalitions involving Pakistan Muslim League (N), Pakistan Peoples Party, and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf. He served in the Senate of Pakistan and engaged with Pakistan state institutions including Inter-Services Intelligence, Ministry of Religious Affairs (Pakistan), and provincial assemblies in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab. Internationally, he met dignitaries from Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Turkey, and delegations from China and Russia.

Role in Afghan and regional politics

He was often described as an ideological patron to various Taliban leaders including figures from Haqqani network, Mullah Omar, and Kandahar circles, facilitating contacts between madrasa alumni and insurgent leadership during the Soviet–Afghan War and War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). He engaged with actors such as Hamid Karzai, Ashraf Ghani, Abdul Haq, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, and international agencies including United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan, NATO, and diplomats from United States Department of State, Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, and Islamic Republic of Iran envoys. His role intersected with regional dynamics involving Pashtun nationalism, Durand Line disputes, peace talks hosted in Doha, Islamabad, and mediation efforts by Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and China.

Assassination and aftermath

He was assassinated in Islamabad on 2 November 2018, an event that drew responses from political leaders including Imran Khan, Nawaz Sharif, Asif Ali Zardari, Fawad Chaudhry, and international reactions from United Nations, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch. The killing prompted investigations involving Islamabad Police, Punjab Police, Counter Terrorism Department, and judicial commissions under Supreme Court of Pakistan scrutiny. His death intensified debates within Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (S), prompted succession disputes involving family members and deputies linked to institutions such as Darul Uloom Haqqania and triggered statements from foreign ministries in Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, United States, and United Kingdom.

Legacy and influence on Deobandi movement

He left a contested legacy within the Deobandi movement, with supporters in madrasa networks, alumni placed across jihadi, political, and charitable organizations, and critics from human rights, liberal, and secular circles. His influence is visible in the careers of alumni associated with groups like Haqqani network, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, and in political realignments within Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam factions. Institutions such as Darul Uloom Haqqania continue to shape clerical training, while scholars from Jamia Uloom-ul-Islamia, Jamia Darul Uloom Karachi, Islamia University Bahawalpur, and transnational seminaries reference his teachings. His interactions with international actors, including Saudi ulema, Pakistani military, and diplomatic missions, ensured his role remained central to debates on peace negotiations, madrasa reforms, and regional security architecture.

Category:Pakistani Islamic religious leaders Category:Deobandi scholars Category:1937 births Category:2018 deaths