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| Lista Vamos por Chile | |
|---|---|
| Name | Lista Vamos por Chile |
| Native name | Lista Vamos por Chile |
| Country | Chile |
| Formation | 2023 |
| Ideology | Conservatism; Christian democracy; Liberal conservatism |
| Position | Right-wing to centre-right |
Lista Vamos por Chile is a Chilean electoral list formed to contest national elections, composed of multiple parties and figures from the conservative and centre-right spectrum. The coalition brought together leaders from established parties, social movements, regional actors, and former ministers to present unified slates for legislative and constituent processes. Its formation intersected with debates involving the Constitution of Chile, the President of Chile, and competing lists such as Frente Amplio (Chile), Partido Socialista de Chile, and Partido Comunista de Chile.
The alliance emerged amid political realignments following the 2019–2020 Chilean protests and the 2020 Chilean national plebiscite, which led to negotiations among figures associated with Renovación Nacional, Unión Demócrata Independiente, Evelyn Matthei, Sebastián Piñera, and regional actors from Valparaíso Region, Biobío Region, and Magallanes Region. Discussions invoked precedents such as Coalición por el Cambio, Chile Vamos, and agreements seen during the 2017 Chilean general election and the 2013 candidacies of Sebastián Piñera (2013) and Michelle Bachelet. Key meetings involved personalities linked to the Camino del Encuentro movement, municipal leaders like Joaquín Lavín, and media outlets covering negotiations including El Mercurio, La Tercera, and Radio Cooperativa.
The list articulated positions influenced by strands associated with Christian Democracy (Chile), neoliberalism, and conservative approaches represented by Unión Demócrata Independiente and Renovación Nacional. Policy proposals referenced protection of rights in the context of the Constitution of Chile debate, public security measures echoing programs from Mauricio Macri in Argentina and María Eugenia Vidal, economic policies reminiscent of the Chicago Boys era, and social proposals framed within the rhetoric of Roman Catholic Church teachings and leaders such as Pope Francis. The platform covered taxation proposals contrasted with plans from Partido por la Democracia, welfare debates involving Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas (Chile), and regulatory frameworks touching on Comisión para el Mercado Financiero and Banco Central de Chile independence.
Member parties included organizations with roots in Renovación Nacional, Unión Demócrata Independiente, and smaller movements like Partido Republicano (Chile, 2019) splinters and independent lists led by former ministers and mayors such as Rafael Garay, Felipe Kast, Andrés Allamand, and regional politicians like Katherine Martorell and Alcaldía de Santiago figures. National politicians associated with the list interacted with senators from Senate of Chile like Manuel José Ossandón, deputies from the Chamber of Deputies of Chile including Joaquín Lavín León and figures tied to think tanks such as Instituto Libertad y Desarrollo, Fundación Piñera, and Centro de Estudios Públicos. Intellectuals linked to universities such as Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Universidad de Chile, and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez contributed to platform drafting alongside business leaders from Confederación de la Producción y del Comercio and regional entrepreneurs in Antofagasta, Coquimbo Region, and Araucanía Region.
Lista Vamos por Chile contested legislative races in districts across Santiago Metropolitan Region, Valparaíso Region, Biobío Region, La Araucanía, and Los Lagos Region. Results were reported in comparisons with coalitions like Unidad Constituyente, Chile Digno, and independent candidacies such as those promoted by Francisco Chahuán and José Antonio Kast. Vote shares were analyzed against historical benchmarks including the 2017 and 2021 legislative cycles, with seat distributions affecting negotiations in the Congress of Chile and committee assignments in the Chamber of Deputies of Chile and Senate of Chile. Performance in municipal mayoral contests evoked parallels to outcomes for leaders like Guillermo Larraín and provincial governors such as those in Región Metropolitana.
Campaign events featured rallies in public squares like Plaza de la Constitución, debates broadcast by Televisión Nacional de Chile, Canal 13 (Chile), and Mega (Chile), and policy forums involving academics from Universidad Diego Portales and Universidad Católica del Norte. Endorsements came from commentators in El Mercurio, columnists linked to La Tercera, and analysts from CNN Chile and Tele13 Radio. Public reception varied regionally, with higher support in suburban districts and conservative strongholds such as Ñuñoa and Las Condes, and criticism from student movements associated with CONFECH and indigenous organizations including Consejo de Todas las Tierras and Mapuche conflict advocates.
The coalition faced criticisms tied to associations with policy legacies like the neoliberal reforms of the 1973 Chilean coup d'état era and connections to business sectors implicated in disputes like Casos Penta and Caso SQM. Accusations involved campaign financing scrutiny examined by Servicio Electoral de Chile and legal inquiries referencing figures investigated in parliamentary probes similar to those involving Andrés Chadwick and Pablo Longueira. Human rights groups invoked comparisons to historical events involving the National Stadium (Santiago) used during the Military dictatorship of Chile, while environmental organizations such as Greenpeace Chile and local communities opposed resource exploitation projects in regions like Atacama Region and Los Lagos Region. Political opponents from Partido Socialista de Chile, Rechazo (plebiscite) activists, and civil society coalitions criticized the list's stances on social rights, pension reform debates tied to AFP (Chile), and proposals affecting indigenous consultation under the International Labour Organization conventions.