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| Kohlekommission | |
|---|---|
| Name | Kohlekommission |
| Native name | Kommission "Wachstum, Strukturwandel und Beschäftigung" |
| Formed | 2018 |
| Dissolved | 2019 |
| Jurisdiction | Federal Republic of Germany |
| Chairpersons | Peter Altmaier; Klaus Ernst; Barbara Praetorius; Rainer Baake |
| Members | Representatives from Christian Democratic Union of Germany, Social Democratic Party of Germany, Alliance 90/The Greens, Free Democratic Party (Germany), trade unions, industry associations, science institutions, state governments |
| Purpose | Phase-out of coal-fired power generation, structural change, employment policy |
Kohlekommission was an expert commission convened by the Federal Republic of Germany in 2018 to advise on a socially acceptable plan for phasing out coal-fired power and managing structural change in lignite regions. It produced a consensus report in 2019 that proposed timelines, compensation measures, and transition policies linking energy policy, regional development, and labor market measures. The commission brought together political parties, trade unions, industry, environmental NGOs, and scientific institutions to reconcile competing priorities among Bundeskanzleramt, state governments such as Nordrhein-Westfalen, and utilities like RWE and Uniper.
The commission was established amid tensions between climate targets defined by the Paris Agreement, national targets set by the German Bundestag, and legal pressures from environmental litigation, including cases influenced by plaintiffs associated with Deutsche Umwelthilfe and climate activists inspired by movements like Fridays for Future. Preceding events included debates following the Energiewende policies, rulings invoking provisions of the Grundgesetz, and high-profile protests at lignite sites such as the Hambacher Forst. The federal cabinet under Angela Merkel commissioned the body after consultations with state premiers from Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, and Sachsen where lignite mining is concentrated, and following negotiations with trade union leaders from IG BCE and representatives of the Bundesnetzagentur.
Membership combined politicians from major parties, representatives of industrial firms, union leaders, environmentalists, and academics from institutions such as Fraunhofer Society, Max Planck Society, Leibniz Association, and universities including Humboldt University of Berlin and RWTH Aachen University. Political appointees included figures associated with Christian Democratic Union of Germany, Social Democratic Party of Germany, and Alliance 90/The Greens, while labor representation featured leaders from IG Metall and ver.di. Economic stakeholders comprised executives from RWE, E.ON, Vattenfall, and the German Chamber of Industry and Commerce, and environmental NGOs such as BUND, Greenpeace Germany, and Deutsche Umwelthilfe had seats. The commission operated under co-chairs and subcommittees mirroring structures used in previous national dialogues, with liaison to ministries like the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy (Germany).
The mandate charged the commission to deliver a roadmap for shuttering coal-fired power plants while ensuring energy security as overseen by the Bundesnetzagentur, maintaining competitiveness for firms in sectors represented by the Federation of German Industries, and protecting employment for workers organized in unions like IG BCE. Objectives included proposing dates for decommissioning plants owned by companies such as RWE and Uniper, designing compensation schemes involving federal funds administered in cooperation with state governments like North Rhine-Westphalia and Saxony-Anhalt, and recommending investments in renewables promoted by actors like Fraunhofer ISE and grid upgrades coordinated with Tennet TSO.
Deliberations combined technical assessments from research institutes including PIK (Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research), DIW Berlin, and Ifo Institute with stakeholder workshops involving representatives from Bundesverband der Energie- und Wasserwirtschaft, municipalities like Cottbus, and affected communities in the Rhineland and Lusatia. Methodology employed scenario analysis consistent with modeling used by IPCC reports and national climate models developed by Deutsches Zentrum für Luft- und Raumfahrt. The commission used economic impact assessments, social compensation modelling, and legal reviews referencing precedents from European Court of Justice case law, and iterated drafts in public hearings that invited testimony from NGOs such as Friends of the Earth and business associations like Confederation of German Employers' Associations.
The final report proposed a phased exit timeline, including recommended coal capacity retirements and proposed a federal commitment of funds for structural transition to be allocated with state matching, mirroring elements seen in transition programs elsewhere such as in United Kingdom coal transitions. It recommended milestones aligned with 2030 and 2038 horizons for significant reductions, detailed workforce transition measures including retraining programs coordinated with institutions like Bundesagentur für Arbeit and regional development banks, and infrastructure investments in renewables and grid expansion to be overseen by agencies such as KfW. The report emphasized compensation frameworks for utilities and mine owners, site remediation plans, and regional economic diversification strategies modeled on post-industrial transformations in regions such as the Ruhrgebiet.
Politically, the commission's recommendations influenced debates in the Bundestag and among coalition partners in cabinets led by Angela Merkel and successors, shaping legislation and funding allocations administered through ministries like the Federal Ministry of Finance (Germany). Economically, the report affected investment decisions by firms such as RWE and E.ON, prompted planning changes at grid operators including 50Hertz and Amprion, and influenced market expectations across energy markets monitored by entities like European Commission (EC) and trading venues akin to European Energy Exchange. The recommendations also catalyzed regional development initiatives in Lusatia, the Rhineland, and the Saarland, with pilot projects involving universities, research centers like KIT, and industrial partners including Siemens.
Critics from parties such as Die Linke and activists associated with Fridays for Future argued the timelines were insufficiently ambitious compared to trajectories implied by IPCC carbon budgets and called out perceived concessions to utilities like RWE. Conversely, representatives from industry groups and some state governments contended compensation levels and closure schedules risked undermining competitiveness and local employment, prompting legal and political challenges drawing commentary from constitutional scholars at institutions like Hertie School and Free University of Berlin. Environmental NGOs including Greenpeace Germany criticized perceived reliance on offsets and transitional fossil gas, while labor leaders debated adequacy of retraining proposals with agencies like Trade Union Confederation (DGB). High-profile protests at sites such as Hambacher Forst and parliamentary debates in the Bundestag underscored public contention over the commission's compromises.
Category:Energy policy of Germany Category:Climate policy Category:2018 establishments in Germany