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| Jomhouri-ye Eslami | |
|---|---|
| Name | Jomhouri-ye Eslami |
| Native name | روزنامه جمهوری اسلامی |
| Type | Daily newspaper |
| Foundation | 1979 |
| Founder | Abolhassan Banisadr; Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini supporters |
| Headquarters | Tehran |
| Language | Persian |
| Political | Islamic Republican |
| Circulation | varied |
Jomhouri-ye Eslami is an Iranian Persian-language daily newspaper established in 1979 following the Iranian Revolution and associated with the Islamic Republican Party and pro-revolutionary factions around Ruhollah Khomeini and Ali Khamenei. It emerged alongside publications such as Kayhan and Ettela'at as part of a new post-revolutionary media landscape that included outlets like Harf-e Mardom and Payam-e Mardom. The paper has been associated with figures from the Council of the Islamic Revolution, the Assembly of Experts, and the early Islamic Consultative Assembly.
Jomhouri-ye Eslami was launched amid the aftermath of the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the dissolution of media tied to the Pahlavi dynasty and entities like Ettela'at Foundation. Early operations involved editors connected to the Revolutionary Guards (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) and activists from the Combatant Clergy Association and Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization. The newspaper covered events such as the US Embassy hostage crisis and the Iran–Iraq War while intersecting with institutions like the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance and the Supreme Leader of Iran office. Across the 1980s and 1990s it navigated tensions between supporters of Mohammad-Ali Rajai, Mohammad Javad Bahonar, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, and later reformists linked to Mohammad Khatami and conservatives allied with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
The editorial stance has reflected currents within the Islamic Republic of Iran establishment, drawing on perspectives from clerics in Qom and political actors in Tehran. Its positions have intersected with platforms promoted by the Islamic Republican Party, statements from Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and pronouncements by members of the Expediency Discernment Council. The paper has at times aligned with conservative institutions like the Guardian Council and at other moments accommodated voices associated with the Islamic Iran Participation Front and reformist figures such as Mehdi Karroubi. Coverage often echoed directives from the Supreme Leader and negotiations involving envoys to countries such as Iraq, Syria, and Russia.
Circulation fluctuated through episodes including the Iran–Iraq War, the post-war reconstruction era led by Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and the reform period under Mohammad Khatami. Distribution networks relied on Tehran newsstands and provincial outlets in cities like Mashhad, Isfahan, Shiraz, Tabriz, and Ahvaz, as well as state-affiliated distribution channels connected to the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. Competing papers such as Kayhan, Ettela'at, and reform papers like Shargh shaped readership demographics, alongside weekly journals like Zanan and Saffron. The rise of online platforms including Radio Farda competitors and state news agencies like IRNA and Fars News Agency affected print demand.
Editors and contributors have included clerics, politicians, and journalists tied to revolutionary and post-revolutionary institutions, with links to personalities such as Mohammad Khatami allies, members of the Assembly of Experts, and figures from the Islamic Consultative Assembly. Columnists have interacted with public intellectuals connected to Aligholi Bakhatiari, reformist scholars educated near University of Tehran, and cultural critics whose networks included Hossein Dehbashi and Ebrahim Yazdi associates. Editors have sometimes been drawn from circles of Hojatoleslam and senior staff formerly engaged with the Ministry of Intelligence or liaison offices of the Office of the Supreme Leader.
The paper has functioned as both a mouthpiece for establishment perspectives and a forum for intra-regime debate, influencing state communications alongside outlets like IRIB, Press TV, and Mehr News Agency. It has been cited by politicians in sessions of the Majlis and discussed in university seminars at the University of Tehran and Sharif University of Technology. Its role extended into shaping narratives about foreign policy toward United States–Iran relations, Israel–Iran relations, Saudi Arabia–Iran relations, and regional crises involving Lebanon and Palestine. The outlet contributed to forming public opinion alongside cultural productions referenced by figures from Iranian cinema and the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance.
Jomhouri-ye Eslami has been involved in controversies tied to press restrictions under the Press Law of Iran and decisions by the Judiciary of Iran and the Supreme Cultural Revolution Council. It faced suspensions and editorial purges during periods of confrontation with reformist publications and reform campaigns led by Mohammad Khatami supporters, and its staff have been targeted in disputes that involved offices such as the Ministry of Intelligence and security entities of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. International criticism cited its coverage in contexts involving human rights in Iran and cases reviewed by bodies like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.
Originally a broadsheet emphasizing political dispatches, analysis, and statements from bodies such as the Council of the Islamic Revolution, it later adapted sections on culture, economy, and social issues mirroring sections in papers like Shargh and Hamshahri. Features have ranged from interviews with clerics educated in Qom to reports on municipal affairs in Tehran Municipality and commentary on fiscal policy debated at the Central Bank of Iran. Digital initiatives responded to competition from news agencies including IRNA and online portals associated with the Presidency of Iran and various ministries.
Category:Newspapers published in Iran