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| ISIL–Khorasan Province | |
|---|---|
| Name | ISIL–Khorasan Province |
| Native name | Wilayah Khorasan |
| Active | 2014–present |
| Area | Afghanistan, Pakistan |
| Ideology | Salafi jihadism, Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant |
| Leaders | Various |
| Size | Estimates vary |
| Allies | Various |
| Opponents | Taliban, NATO, Afghan National Security Forces |
ISIL–Khorasan Province is an affiliate of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant that established a presence in parts of Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the broader South Asia region in 2014. The group declared allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi and has been involved in insurgency, terrorist attacks, and clashes with Taliban, Haqqani network, and international forces such as United States Central Command and NATO Resolute Support Mission.
The group's origin traces to defections from Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, dissident elements of the Pakistani Taliban, former members of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, and cadres from Afghan Taliban who pledged bay'ah to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi during the rise of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in Iraq and Syria. Its formation was influenced by the collapse of territorial control in Iraq and Syria, the power vacuum after the withdrawal of United States Armed Forces from parts of Afghanistan, and local rivalries with Taliban leaders such as Mullah Akhtar Mansour and Mullah Mohammad Omar. Early public statements referenced Khorasan, a historical region associated with the Samanid Empire, the Seljuk Empire, and cultural centers like Nishapur and Herat.
The group espouses Salafi jihadism derived from the ideological corpus promoted by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and later Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, advocating establishment of a provincial caliphate within the framework of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant's transnational project. Its objectives include seizing territory in Nangarhar Province and Kunar Province, targeting minorities such as Hazaras and institutions associated with Shi'a Islam, confronting Taliban rivals, and attacking symbols of Western influence including United States Embassy, NATO, and diplomatic missions in the region.
Leadership has rotated through figures with prior affiliations to Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, and former commanders from Afghan Taliban breakaway factions. Commanders reported in open-source reporting have included operatives linked to Mullah Krekar-era networks, and the group's provincial governance attempted to mirror Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant's administrative model with wilayat-level emirates, sharia courts, and an amir coordinating military, propaganda, and wilayat administrations. Rivalries with Haqqani network and defections to Taliban or Al-Qaeda elements produced leadership decapitation and succession similar to patterns seen in Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant core provinces.
Primary areas of operation have included Nangarhar Province, Kunar Province, parts of eastern Afghanistan, and tribal regions of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and North Waziristan in Pakistan. The group has claimed high-profile attacks such as bombings and complex assaults against civilian targets, including attacks on Kabul University, the Army Public School Peshawar-style mass-casualty incidents, and strikes targeting Shi'a gatherings, while also engaging in battles for districts like those contested in Achin District and Ghazni, and urban attacks in Jalalabad and Peshawar. International media and intelligence attributed suicide bombings, vehicle-borne improvised explosive device attacks, and coordinated raids that mirrored tactics used by Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in Mosul and Raqqa.
Recruitment pathways have included online propaganda disseminated via channels tied to Al-Hayat Media Center, networks of former Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan and Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan fighters, and cross-border mobilization from Central Asia and Pakistan. Financing came from illicit economies such as drug trafficking routes through Balkh Province and Helmand Province, extortion of local businesses, kidnappings for ransom, timber and mineral exploitation in contested districts, and donations channeled through shadow networks linked to sympathizers in Gulf Cooperation Council states and diaspora communities. Arms and materiel were sourced from battlefield capture after clashes with Taliban, private caches dating to the Soviet–Afghan War, and cross-border smuggling via the Afghan–Pakistan border.
Relations with Taliban have been adversarial, featuring armed clashes and competition for recruits, while the group has both cooperated and conflicted with Al-Qaeda-linked operatives and Haqqani network factions depending on local dynamics. Regional states such as Pakistan and Afghanistan accused each other of varying degrees of permissiveness toward militants; international actors including United States Department of Defense, United Kingdom Ministry of Defence, and Indian Armed Forces have all engaged in policies or operations addressing the group. Rivalries and negotiated local arrangements sometimes resembled the factionalism observed between FARC splinters and national forces in other theaters.
Responses included airstrikes by United States Central Command, targeted operations by Afghan National Army and Afghan Special Forces, intelligence sharing among NATO Resolute Support Mission partners, and diplomatic efforts involving United Nations Security Council designations and sanctions. Counterterrorism measures combined kinetic strikes, local reconciliation initiatives with tribal elders in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and financial restrictions enacted by Financial Action Task Force-inspired mechanisms. The group's resilience prompted continued multinational cooperation involving Inter-Services Intelligence-level coordination, strategic assessments by CENTCOM, and humanitarian considerations raised by agencies such as United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan.
Category:Organizations designated as terrorist by the United Nations