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| Group of Lima | |
|---|---|
| Name | Group of Lima |
| Formation | 2017 |
| Type | Diplomatic bloc |
| Region | Americas |
| Headquarters | Lima |
| Membership | See Membership |
| Purpose | Regional diplomatic coordination |
Group of Lima The Group of Lima is a multilateral diplomatic coordination mechanism formed in 2017 in Lima by representatives from several Latin American and Caribbean states including Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Paraguay, Peru, Panama, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Bolivia, Mexico, and Uruguay to address the political crisis in Venezuela. Its formation followed statements by the Organization of American States and the United Nations about democratic backsliding, and was influenced by regional events such as the 2014 Venezuelan protests (2014–2017), the 2017 Venezuelan constitutional crisis, and the 2018 Venezuelan presidential election. The Group has engaged with actors like Juan Guaidó, Nicolás Maduro, Luis Almagro, Pope Francis, and international mediators including envoys from the European Union, United States, Canada, and the Caribbean Community.
The genesis occurred after a 2017 meeting convened by Peru under President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and foreign minister Ricardo Luna Mendoza with delegations from Argentina (then led by President Mauricio Macri), Chile (President Michelle Bachelet), and Colombia (President Juan Manuel Santos). Early communiqués referenced decisions by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and reports by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights concerning Venezuelan political prisoners such as Leopoldo López and civil institutions including the Venezuelan National Assembly (2016–2020). Subsequent Group meetings in Toronto, Bogotá, Santiago, and Ottawa cited international frameworks like the Montevideo Convention and past interventions including the Buenos Aires Declaration to justify non-recognition measures and sanctions coordination with partners such as the United States Department of State and the European External Action Service.
Founding and subsequent participants have included heads of state and foreign ministers from Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Paraguay, Peru, Panama, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Mexico, and Uruguay. Membership has shifted with electoral changes in countries like Bolivia under Presidents Evo Morales and later Luis Arce, and in Mexico under Presidents Enrique Peña Nieto and Andrés Manuel López Obrador, affecting attendance and statements. Non-state and supranational actors interacting with the Group include the European Union, the Organization of American States, the United Nations, and the Caribbean Community.
The Group's stated objectives cite preservation of democratic order, protection of human rights, and the restoration of constitutional processes in Venezuela. Public statements reference instruments and actors such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Inter-American Democratic Charter, the International Criminal Court, and reports by the Organization of American States secretary-general Luis Almagro. The Group advocated diplomatic pressure, targeted sanctions, and recognition policies coordinated with partners like the United States, Canada, and the European Union while invoking precedents such as the Rio Treaty and negotiations modeled on talks like the Dominican Republic-mediated dialogue (2017) and the Norwegian-facilitated talks.
The Group issued communiqués and coordinated measures including travel restrictions, asset-targeted actions, and non-recognition policies toward Venezuelan institutions associated with the Maduro administration. It engaged with opposition leaders such as Juan Guaidó and international mediators from the European Union and Norway, while citing human rights documentation from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and investigative reports by organizations like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. Meetings were held in capitals including Lima, Ottawa, Bogotá, and Santiago, producing joint statements referencing events such as the 2018 Venezuelan presidential election, the 2019 Venezuelan presidential crisis, and humanitarian flows involving migrants to Colombia, Brazil, and Peru.
The Group's stance directly opposed the Nicolás Maduro government, recognizing interim authorities embodied by Juan Guaidó in 2019 and coordinating with states like the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, and members of the European Union that adopted similar positions. The Maduro administration, backed by allies including Russia, China, Cuba, Iran, and Turkey, denounced the Group, citing violations of sovereignty and referencing multilateral forums such as the United Nations General Assembly and the Non-Aligned Movement. Regional responses varied: the Caribbean Community called for dialogue, while countries like Bolivia and Mexico under different administrations emphasized non-intervention and engagement. International courts and bodies including the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the International Criminal Court were invoked by both critics and supporters to contest legality of measures.
Critics accused the Group of interfering in Venezuela's internal affairs and of inconsistent application of principles, drawing comparisons with past interventions such as Operation Condor narratives and citing divergent policies of members like Mexico and Uruguay under changeable administrations. Accusations included selective concern for human rights, politicized use of sanctions reminiscent of measures coordinated by the United States Department of the Treasury and debates in the United Nations Security Council where permanent members like Russia and China opposed certain resolutions. Humanitarian organizations including Doctors Without Borders and International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement urged depoliticized aid corridors, while scholars and think tanks at institutions like the Brookings Institution, Council on Foreign Relations, Inter-American Dialogue, and Chatham House assessed efficacy and unintended consequences of the Group's approach.