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| Gotabaya Rajapaksa | |
|---|---|
| Name | Gotabaya Rajapaksa |
| Native name | ගෝඨාභය රාජපක්ෂ |
| Birth date | 20 June 1949 |
| Birth place | Palatuwa, Matara District, Ceylon |
| Nationality | Sri Lanka |
| Occupation | Military officer; Politician; Civil servant |
| Office | 8th President of Sri Lanka |
| Term start | 18 November 2019 |
| Term end | 14 July 2022 |
| Predecessor | Maithripala Sirisena |
| Successor | Ranil Wickremesinghe |
| Party | Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna |
Gotabaya Rajapaksa (born 20 June 1949) is a Sri Lankan former army officer and politician who served as the 8th President of Sri Lanka from 2019 to 2022. A member of the Rajapaksa family (Sri Lanka), he was credited by supporters for his role in the final stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War and later served as Secretary to the Ministry of Defence before winning the 2019 presidential election. His presidency was marked by economic crisis, contentious public order measures, and mass protests that culminated in his resignation and temporary exile.
Born in Palatuwa, Matara District, he is the son of D. A. Rajapaksa and Dandina Rajapaksa, members of a prominent political family associated with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and later the Rajapaksa family (Sri Lanka). He attended Mahinda College, Galle and later Ananda College, Colombo, where contemporaries included figures from United National Party and Leftist Youth League circles. He received military education at the Sri Lanka Military Academy and undertook further training abroad at institutions such as the United States Army Command and General Staff College and the National Defence University, where he interacted with officers from India, Pakistan, United Kingdom, and United States.
Commissioned into the Ceylon Army and later the Sri Lanka Army as a Second Lieutenant, he served in the Sri Lanka Sinha Regiment and held staff appointments in Colombo and Trincomalee. He participated in counter-insurgency operations against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and was involved in security planning during episodes connected to the Indian Peace Keeping Force presence, the 1987–1989 JVP insurrection, and the protracted Sri Lankan Civil War. As a senior defence official and later Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, he worked with military leaders such as Sarath Fonseka, Shavendra Silva, and Jagath Jayasuriya during the Eelam War IV offensive that culminated in the defeat of the LTTE in 2009. His career included interactions with international actors such as the United Nations, International Committee of the Red Cross, and defence attaches from China, Russia, and Israel.
After retiring from active service, he became Secretary to the Ministry of Defence under his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa's administration, overseeing reconstruction projects involving agencies like the Urban Development Authority and the Road Development Authority. He cultivated ties with political organizations including the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna and allies from the United National Front. In 2019 he launched a presidential campaign citing national security and administrative efficiency, appealing to voters in constituencies such as Colombo District, Gampaha District, and Hambantota District. His campaign mobilised endorsements from figures across the Rajapaksa network including Basil Rajapaksa and employed messaging resonant with constituencies influenced by events like the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami and the postwar reconstruction era. He faced opponents including Sajith Premadasa of the United National Party coalition and Anura Kumara Dissanayake and benefited from alliances with parties like Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and trade unions.
His inauguration as President followed a contested political environment in which he signed executive orders, appointed a cabinet including members from Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, and engaged with regional partners such as India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi and China's Xi Jinping. His administration navigated crises including the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter bombings, the COVID-19 pandemic, and mounting sovereign debt linked to projects financed by entities like the Export-Import Bank of China and creditors in Japan and India. Domestic governance measures involved coordination with institutions such as the Central Bank of Sri Lanka and the Attorney General's Department, while foreign policy actions engaged the United Nations Human Rights Council and trade negotiations with the European Union.
His tenure coincided with macroeconomic pressures: rising external debt linked to infrastructure projects including the Hambantota Port lease and loans from the China Development Bank, declining foreign exchange reserves, and fiscal deficits monitored by rating agencies such as Moody's Investors Service and Standard & Poor's. Policy choices included tax cuts and monetary measures affecting the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, import restrictions that impacted supply chains from India and China, and attempts at negotiating bilateral swap arrangements with India and engagement with the International Monetary Fund. These measures contributed to inflation spikes, shortages of fuel and essentials, and pressure on remittances from Sri Lankan diaspora populations in Middle East countries and United Kingdom.
Throughout his public career he faced scrutiny from international bodies including the United Nations Human Rights Council, non-governmental organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, and domestic commissions like the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission. Allegations involved conduct during the final stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War, interrogation and detention practices, and emergency measures during the COVID-19 pandemic. Calls for investigations by entities such as the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and advocacy from diasporic groups in Canada, Australia, and Norway intensified debates on accountability, transitional justice, and cooperation with mechanisms under international law.
By 2022, economic collapse, prolonged shortages, and energy blackouts sparked nationwide demonstrations led by groups including student organisations, trade unions, and civil society coalitions in urban centres such as Colombo and Kandy. Protest movements drew comparisons to events like the Arab Spring and mass mobilisations in Iceland and Greece over austerity, and protesters urged resignations of cabinet members including Mahinda Rajapaksa (who served as Prime Minister) and demanded negotiations with creditors and institutions such as the International Monetary Fund. Escalating unrest culminated in the storming of the presidential residence, his announcement of resignation, departure to Maldives and subsequent travel to Singapore for temporary refuge, with his resignation accepted by the Parliament of Sri Lanka and succession by Ranil Wickremesinghe.
He is married to Ioma Rajapaksa and has children who have participated in public life and business sectors engaged with domestic firms and overseas links to markets in Middle East and Southeast Asia. His legacy remains contested: supporters credit him with ending the LTTE insurgency and infrastructure development in regions like Hambantota District, while critics emphasise concerns raised by the United Nations and international rights organisations regarding wartime conduct and democratic backsliding. The events surrounding his presidency are likely to shape ongoing discourse in institutions such as the Parliament of Sri Lanka, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, and regional diplomacy involving India, China, and multilateral organisations.
Category:Presidents of Sri Lanka Category:Sri Lankan military personnel Category:Rajapaksa family (Sri Lanka)