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| German Autonomen | |
|---|---|
| Name | Autonomen |
| Native name | Autonome |
| Founded | 1970s–1980s |
| Location | Germany |
| Ideology | Autonomism, anarchism, left-wing radicalism |
| Status | Active / Decentralized |
German Autonomen
The Autonomen emerged in the 1970s–1980s as a decentralized current of left-wing radical activists associated with squatting, direct action, and anti-fascist mobilization in cities such as Berlin, Hamburg, Frankfurt, and Munich. Influenced by international currents and debates, the milieu intersected with squatters, student activists, anarchists, trade unionists, and anti-nuclear protesters, producing a networked set of projects, publications, and confrontations with police and courts. The movement drew on theoretical currents from Italy and Spain while provoking controversy across parliamentary politics, law enforcement, and media circles.
Roots trace to post-1968 movements and New Left circles in West Germany, where activists from the student protest milieu around Rudi Dutschke, SAPD-influenced collectives, and groups like the Kommunistischer Bund evolved into autonomous tendencies. Influences included the Italian Autonomia Operaia, the Spanish Movimiento de Resistencia, and theorists such as Antonio Negri, Michael Hardt, and earlier figures like Gustav Landauer and Peter Kropotkin whose writings circulated in squats and social centers. Key early episodes involved clashes at student occupations at universities in Frankfurt am Main, demonstrations near the Kalkberg and protests inspired by the May 1968 events in France and the Basque conflict solidarity networks. The scene expanded through links with punk subcultures in Hamburg, DIY venues in Kreuzberg, Berlin, and migrant communities in Stuttgart.
Autonome ideology synthesized strands from Autonomism, anarchism, council communism, and anti-imperialist currents shaped by solidarity with movements like Solidarność, the Palestinian liberation movement, and anti-apartheid campaigns. Emphasis was placed on extra-parliamentary self-organization, direct action, workplace struggles influenced by debates around Fordism and post-Fordism, and support for autonomous social centers akin to Centro Sociale projects in Italy. Aims included housing occupations, opposition to right-wing groups such as Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands activists, and engagement with refugee struggles linked to organizations like Pro Asyl.
Organization was decentralized, relying on affinity groups, squats, and autonomous collectives rather than hierarchical parties like Die Linke or historical formations such as the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands. Tactical repertoires included occupations of buildings in neighborhoods like Kreuzberg and Friedrichshain, street blockades during Anti-G8 demonstrations, banner drops at events associated with Deutsche Bank, and support for labor actions near IG Metall workplaces. Information flowed through independent newspapers, fanzines referencing Die Tageszeitung, pirate radio projects, and collaborations with cultural venues such as SO36. Confrontations sometimes escalated into clashes with units from the Bundespolizei, state police forces like the Bereitschaftspolizei, and interventions under laws invoking the Strafgesetzbuch.
High-profile actions included long-running squats like Rote Flora in Hamburg and occupations in Mainz and Leipzig that sparked citywide debates. Demonstrations during summits such as the G8 Summit in Heiligendamm, anti-globalization mobilizations connected to the World Trade Organization protests, and anti-fascist counter-demonstrations against groups like Pro NRW and NPD drew national attention. Clashes during the Wackersdorf anti-nuclear movement era, support actions for refugees at Oranienplatz, and interventions at deportation flights implicated agencies such as Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge. Individual incidents sometimes resulted in trials overseen by courts like the Bundesverfassungsgericht and regional Landgerichte.
State responses varied from municipal negotiations over cultural centers to police operations and criminal prosecutions under sections of the Strafgesetzbuch concerning property and violence. Municipalities in cities such as Berlin, Hamburg, and Leipzig alternated between tolerance regimes and eviction actions involving Verfassungsschutz monitoring or intelligence-sharing with regional agencies. Parliamentary debates in the Bundestag and interventions by ministries such as the Bundesministerium des Innern shaped law enforcement priorities, while civil liberties groups like Amnesty International Germany and Human Rights Watch occasionally criticized police tactics.
Public debate featured criticism from mainstream parties including CDU, CSU, and FDP over perceived lawlessness, as well as contested assessments by the SPD and cultural commentators in outlets like Der Spiegel and Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Critics linked militant tactics to vandalism and economic costs cited by chambers such as the IHK. Supporters pointed to social programs in squats, community organizing, and cultural production. Legal scholars and historians at institutions like the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin and the Freie Universität Berlin debated distinctions between civil disobedience and criminality.
The milieu influenced music and arts scenes tied to venues like SO36 and festivals in Friedrichshain, fostering bands, zines, and theater collectives that referenced practitioners such as Brecht and movements like punk rock and hardcore punk. Urban policy, housing movements, and initiatives for autonomous social centers across Europe acknowledged precedents in the Autonomen scene, intersecting with campaigns by groups such as Mieterschutzbund and Deutsche Wohnen & Co. enteignen opponents. Scholars and documentary filmmakers at institutions like the Deutsche Kinemathek have archived protests, while memory debates continue in municipal councils and cultural forums across Germany.
Category:Politics of Germany Category:Social movements in Germany