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| Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) | |
|---|---|
| Name | Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy |
| Abbreviation | EFDD |
| Foundation | 2014 |
| Dissolution | 2019 |
| Predecessor | Europe of Freedom and Democracy |
| Succeeded by | Identity and Democracy (partial) |
| Ideology | National conservatism, Euroscepticism, Direct democracy |
| Seats1 title | European Parliament |
| Seats1 | var. (2014–2019) |
| Country | European Union |
Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) was a eurosceptic political group in the European Parliament that existed from 2014 to 2019. It brought together a heterogeneous collection of MEPs from national parties such as the UK Independence Party, Five Star Movement, Lega Nord, and smaller formation across United Kingdom, Italy, Poland, and other member states. The group combined advocacy for referendum-based decision-making, national sovereignty, and restrictive immigration policies, while remaining ideologically diverse and often internally fractious.
EFDD formed following the 2014 European Parliament election when MEPs from the outgoing Europe of Freedom and Democracy sought a successor grouping to meet the parliament's rules for recognition. Founders included figures associated with Nigel Farage, Beppe Grillo, and leaders from Czech Republic and Poland eurosceptic movements. The group's existence intersected with major events such as the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum and the rise of the populist wave across Europe reflected in electoral gains for parties like National Rally and Alternative for Germany. EFDD faced membership fluctuations linked to party decisions in national parliaments, expulsions during conflicts with the European Parliament rules, and the 2019 realignment that produced groups such as Identity and Democracy and European Conservatives and Reformists.
EFDD espoused a mix of national conservatism, direct democracy, and hard euroscepticism, opposing or seeking major reform of the Treaty of Lisbon and advocating repatriation of competences to member states such as France, United Kingdom, and Italy. On economic policy, many members favored deregulatory measures associated with advocates in Austrian School-aligned think tanks and supported positions similar to those promoted by World Trade Organization critics and International Monetary Fund reformers. Immigration stances aligned with proposals seen in debates involving Schengen Agreement critics and parties like Vox (Spain), while members frequently referenced decisions of the European Court of Justice and the European Commission in arguing for reduced supranational authority. Internal ideological diversity included members influenced by Libertarianism, Christian democracy, and anti-establishment strands tied to figures from Syriza-adjacent movements.
EFDD's composition included MEPs from parties such as UK Independence Party, Five Star Movement, Lega Nord, Civic Platform-opponents, and individual non-attached MEPs. National delegations shifted: the withdrawal of UK Conservative Party-aligned MEPs in earlier parliaments, the 2014 inclusion of Forza Italia-adjacent members, and the later exit of the Five Star Movement highlight the fluidity. Prominent individual MEPs associated with the group included figures known from House of Commons politics, Italian Chamber of Deputies debates, and national campaigns in Poland and Czech Republic. The group also attracted smaller parties from Latvia, Estonia, and Greece at various times, reflecting linkages to movements like Golden Dawn-adjacent debates and mainstream eurosceptic organizations.
As a parliamentary group, EFDD had a formal leadership including a chair/coordinator, a bureau, and group secretariat staff drawn from national party resources. Leadership rotated among prominent eurosceptic figures and included representatives with parliamentary experience in assemblies such as the House of Commons, Italian Senate, and national Sejm delegations. The group's internal rules operated under European Parliament regulations for political groups, requiring minimum membership thresholds and cross-country representation similar to procedures involving Political Parties of the European Union registration. Administrative conflicts often arose over staff appointments, budget allocations, and committee seat distribution, invoking procedures in the Rules of Procedure of the European Parliament.
The EFDD's electoral strength derived from constituent national parties' performances in the 2014 European Parliament election, 2015 local and national contests, and the 2016 United Kingdom general election context influencing UKIP representation. In 2014 its MEP count enabled official group status; subsequent national elections, defections, and the 2019 European Parliament election reshaped the balance of power. Parties associated with EFDD saw mixed results: some like Lega Nord expanded in national polls and in the 2019 European elections under the Matteo Salvini leadership, while others such as UK Independence Party declined after the Brexit referendum and leadership changes, contributing to EFDD's eventual dissolution.
EFDD attracted criticism over associations with polarizing figures and parties implicated in controversies involving hate speech allegations, links to extremist groups, and contentious statements about minority communities. Critics in the European Parliament, major newspapers like The Guardian and Le Monde, and NGOs including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International challenged positions taken by some members on migration and human rights compliance. Internal disputes, such as expulsions and high-profile departures, led to media coverage in outlets like BBC News and Corriere della Sera. Accusations of opportunism and incoherence came from rival groups including Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats and European People's Party representatives.
EFDD's relations with other parliamentary groups were adversarial with mainstream blocs such as the European People's Party and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats, pragmatic with groups like the European Conservatives and Reformists on some reforms, and competitive with the later Identity and Democracy alliance for votes and personnel. Cross-group cooperation occurred on specific dossiers involving transparency and committee amendments, while ideological divides were evident on matters brought before the European Commission and during plenary votes in the Strasbourg and Brussels sittings.