Confederación Nacional de Comunidades Afectadas por la Construcción de Carreteras

Confederación Nacional de Comunidades Afectadas por la Construcción de Carreteras
Name	Confederación Nacional de Comunidades Afectadas por la Construcción de Carreteras
Native name	Confederación Nacional de Comunidades Afectadas por la Construcción de Carreteras
Formation	1990s
Type	Social movement
Headquarters	Mexico City
Region served	Mexico

Confederación Nacional de Comunidades Afectadas por la Construcción de Carreteras is a Mexican grassroots confederation formed to represent communities displaced or impacted by major roadway projects. It emerged amid disputes over infrastructure corridors linked to federal agencies and multinational contractors, mobilizing alongside indigenous councils, environmental groups, and human rights organizations to contest land expropriation and demand reparations.

History

The confederation traces roots to local resistance in Oaxaca, Chiapas, and Veracruz during the 1990s when projects involving the Secretaría de Comunicaciones y Transportes, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, and private firms triggered protests by ejidos, comunidades, and campesino unions. Early mobilizations intersected with movements associated with the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, Comité de Defensa de los Derechos Indígenas and civic collectives in the aftermath of the North American Free Trade Agreement debate. Throughout the 2000s the confederation coordinated with environmental networks such as Greenpeace Mexico, human rights bodies like the Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos, and international solidarity groups including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.

Mission and Objectives

The confederation articulates objectives aligned with land restitution, cultural heritage protection, and community consultation as recognized in instruments like the Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization and rulings from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Its mission statements invoke collaboration with indigenous authorities such as the Consejo Indígena de Gobierno and rural federations including the National Peasant Confederation (Mexico), advocating remedies in forums such as the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation and municipal cabildos.

Organizational Structure

Organizationally it is a federation of regional assemblies, community councils, and delegations that mirror structures found in Movimiento de Unificación y Lucha Triqui and similar regional collectives. Decision-making occurs through plenaries where representatives from ejidos and indigenous normas tradicionales convene, often inviting legal advisers from the Centro de Derechos Humanos Miguel Agustín Pro Juárez or academic partners from the National Autonomous University of Mexico and the El Colegio de México.

Major Campaigns and Activities

Major campaigns have targeted large-scale corridors associated with initiatives by the Secretaría de Hacienda y Crédito Público and public works by state governments in Puebla and Guerrero, opposing alignments tied to projects like highway concessions involving firms comparable to ICA and construction consortia linked to transnational banks such as BBVA and HSBC. Activities include roadblock actions inspired by tactics used in the 2006 Oaxaca protests, documentation of heritage sites with specialists from the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, public demonstrations in plazas adjacent to the Zócalo, Mexico City, and coordinated petitions submitted to the Instituto Federal de Telecomunicaciones and other oversight bodies.

Legal Actions and Advocacy

The confederation has pursued litigation invoking protections under Mexican law before bodies like the Tribunal Unitario Agrario and has filed precautionary measures with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in cases paralleling precedents involving Comunidad Mayagna (Sumo) Awas Tingni, leveraging international legal frameworks such as the American Convention on Human Rights and Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization. It also engages with legislators in the Chamber of Deputies (Mexico) and the Senate of the Republic (Mexico) to influence statutory reforms on expropriation and consultation protocols.

Impact and Criticism

The confederation has achieved suspension or rerouting of projects in several regions, secured reparations through negotiated accords similar to settlements seen in disputes involving Pemex access roads, and increased visibility for indigenous consultation rights affirmed by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation. Critics, including some state administrations and private developers, allege that tactics mirror obstructionist strategies used by groups linked to the Zapatista Army of National Liberation and argue that delays increase costs for federal programs administered by the Secretaría de Comunicaciones y Transportes and investors such as Banobras. Academic assessments from researchers at the Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas and Universidad Iberoamericana debate the balance between collective rights and infrastructure needs.

Notable Members and Alliances

Notable figures associated through alliances include regional leaders from Oaxaca with ties to the Union of Indigenous Communities of the Isthmus Region, human rights lawyers from the Centro de Derechos Humanos Miguel Agustín Pro Juárez, and indigenous authorities connected to the Consejo Indígena de Gobierno. Alliances extend to national networks like the Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación and international partners such as Friends of the Earth and Survival International.

Category:Social movements in Mexico Category:Indigenous rights organizations