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| Centrão | |
|---|---|
| Name | Centrão |
| Type | Parliamentary bloc |
| Country | Brazil |
| Founded | 1980s–1990s (informal) |
| Ideology | Pragmatism, conservatism, clientelism (disputed) |
| Notable members | Arthur Lira (politician), Rodrigo Maia, Jair Bolsonaro, Michel Temer, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Dilma Rousseff, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva |
Centrão is an informal, cross-party parliamentary bloc in Brazil known for its role as a swing coalition in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil and broader legislative politics. It aggregates deputies from multiple parties to negotiate power, appointments, and legislative support with presidential administrations and leading parliamentary figures. The bloc is associated with transactional politics, pragmatic alliances, and significant influence over budgetary and procedural decisions in Brasília.
The bloc traces roots to informal coalitions in the late 1980s and 1990s during the transition from the Brazilian military government to the New Republic, when legislators from parties such as the PSD (histor0s), PFL, PMDB, and later the PL formed centrist voting blocs to secure committee chairs and distributive favors. During the Fernando Collor de Mello impeachment and the administration of Itamar Franco the alignment patterns deepened as deputies negotiated ministries and pork-barrel projects. In the Fernando Henrique Cardoso era the bloc adapted to new coalition presidentialism rules, reappearing in modified form through the Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff presidencies, especially prominent during the Impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. Under interim and subsequent presidencies of Michel Temer, Jair Bolsonaro, and Lula (2023) the bloc’s patterns of bargaining, defections, and reconfigurations continued to shape legislative outcomes.
The informal nature means the bloc lacks formal statutes; it is a network of deputies from parties such as the PP, PL, MDB, PSD, and Republicanos. Prominent brokers include speakers and former speakers of the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil like Rodrigo Maia and Arthur Lira (politician), as well as influential operators linked to cabinets of presidents such as Michel Temer and Jair Bolsonaro. State-level caucuses and mayors—e.g., figures associated with São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Minas Gerais—feed patronage networks. Institutional actors such as the Supremo Tribunal Federal, Ministério Público Federal, and Tribunal Superior Eleitoral intersect with the bloc through investigations, amicus interventions, and rulings that affect membership and strategy.
Officially heterogeneous, the bloc encompasses deputies tied to conservative, centrist and pragmatic orientations—members from PT, PSDB, DEM (historical), and smaller regional parties have at times participated. Its positioning is less doctrinal than instrumental: priorities often center on legislative bargaining over appointments, budget amendments, and approval of provisional measures such as those arising under Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal debates, pension reform initiatives like the 2019 Brazilian pension reform, and regulatory frameworks affecting sectors such as Petrobras, Bank of Brazil, and agribusiness linked to Embrapa. The bloc’s policy stances vary by context, aligning with administrations of Lula da Silva, Dilma Rousseff, Michel Temer, or Jair Bolsonaro when advantageous.
As kingmakers in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil, bloc members have determined the election of speakers, shaped committee leadership, and secured floor calendar control, affecting legislation on taxation, social policy, and infrastructure. By negotiating with presidents they have obtained cabinet posts, state secretariats, and control over discretionary spending through the Budgetary Amendment mechanism. Their influence extends to the passage or blocking of high-profile measures such as Impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, the approval of 2017 Brazilian labor reform, and responses to crises like the 2014–2016 Brazilian political crisis. Executive-legislative relations, ministerial appointments, and oversight of state enterprises like Banco do Brasil and Eletrobras have been mediated through these networks.
Controversies include accusations of clientelism, vote-buying, and encephalitic logrolling during critical votes; high-profile scandals intersected with investigations like Operation Car Wash (Operação Lava Jato), inquiries by the Polícia Federal, and cases brought before the STF. Episodes such as negotiated support during the Impeachment of Dilma Rousseff and the legislative maneuvers around the 2018 Brazilian general election and the 2022 presidential transition attracted scrutiny. Legal probes implicated figures from parties linked to the bloc in corruption investigations touching Petrobras contracts, campaign finance irregularities overseen by the Superior Electoral Court, and alleged misuse of public funds in state assemblies like Ceará and Maranhão.
Critics from activist groups, civil society organizations like Transparency International (national chapters), and commentators tied to media outlets such as Folha de S.Paulo, O Globo, and Estadão portray the bloc as emblematic of transactional politics undermining democratic accountability. Opposition politicians from the PSOL and sectors of the PT and PSDB have denounced its opacity. Public protests during periods of austerity and corruption scandals—notably in 2013 Brazilian protests and anti-corruption demonstrations—expressed distrust, while allied governors and mayors often defend pragmatic coalitions as necessary for governance in a multi-party system.
Electoral tactics emphasize candidate distribution, list alliances, and pragmatic endorsements across gubernatorial, municipal, and federal ballots to maximize access to resources and patronage networks. Coordination occurs through negotiated legislative slates, mutual support pacts with figures like Jair Bolsonaro or Fernando Henrique Cardoso when expedient, and use of the Brazilian campaign finance framework to allocate persuasion resources. The bloc leverages committee assignments, amendments to the LOA, and interparty bargaining to extract ministerial portfolios and public works projects, shaping coalition patterns in the National Congress of Brazil and state legislatures.