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| Brazilian Democratic Movement (1966) | |
|---|---|
| Name | Brazilian Democratic Movement (1966) |
| Native name | Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (MDB) |
| Founded | 1966 |
| Dissolved | 1979 |
| Predecessor | Opposition groups to the 1964 coup |
| Successor | Brazilian Democratic Movement Party |
| Ideology | Broad anti-authoritarian coalition |
| Position | Big tent |
| Headquarters | Brasília |
Brazilian Democratic Movement (1966) The Brazilian Democratic Movement (1966) emerged as the official legal opposition after the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état and during the Military dictatorship in Brazil (1964–1985), uniting senators, deputies, governors, mayors, trade unionists, lawyers, intellectuals, and cultural figures who opposed the Brazilian military government's policies. It acted as a parliamentary and extra-parliamentary vehicle connecting regional political elites from São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul, and Bahia to national dissidents such as former presidents, legal scholars, journalists, and artists who resisted repression. The MDB's existence overlapped with significant events including the passage of Institutional Act Number Five (AI-5), the rise of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB), and international scrutiny from organizations like the Organization of American States.
The MDB was created in the aftermath of the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état when the junta led by figures such as General Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco and President Artur da Costa e Silva imposed a two-party system through the Institutional Acts and amendments to the Constitution of 1967 (Brazil). Political leaders displaced from the dissolved parties including members of the UDN, the PTB (historical), and the PSD coalesced alongside intellectuals tied to universities such as the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and legal institutions like the Brazilian Bar Association. Regional bosses from São Paulo, Minas Gerais, and Pernambuco negotiated with municipal figures from Porto Alegre and Salvador to form a legally permissible opposition under the authoritarian framework, drawing on precedents from the 1961 parliamentary crisis in Brazil and the short-lived cabinets of politicians like João Goulart.
As a legally sanctioned opposition entity, the MDB adopted a big-tent, anti-authoritarian stance that embraced conservative liberals, social democrats, Christian democrats, labour activists, and moderate nationalists. Its platform combined commitments to civil liberties asserted in organs such as the Brazilian Bar Association and advocacy for amnesty akin to later proposals by figures like Ulysses Guimarães and Tancredo Neves. The movement's ideological breadth connected parliamentary tactics in the Chamber of Deputies (Brazil) and the Federal Senate (Brazil) with alliances among trade union activists associated with the Central Única dos Trabalhadores and cultural intellectuals engaged with journals like Revista Manchete and Folha de S.Paulo columnists. The MDB's positioning contrasted with the pro-regime National Renewal Alliance (ARENA) and intersected with debates surrounding the Economic Miracle (Brazil) and state repression under AI-5.
Organizationally, the MDB operated through state directories in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, and Rio Grande do Sul, coordinating parliamentary strategy between the Chamber of Deputies (Brazil) and the Federal Senate (Brazil). Prominent leaders and personalities associated with the movement included parliamentary figures such as Ulysses Guimarães, Tancredo Neves, Aldo Rebelo (later), Paulo Brossard, and regional governors and former ministers who had served under presidents like Juscelino Kubitschek and João Goulart. Legal advisors and activists from institutions including the Brazilian Bar Association and universities such as the University of São Paulo provided constitutional arguments against repressive measures like Institutional Act Number Five (AI-5). The MDB maintained liaison with journalists from outlets like O Estado de S. Paulo and cultural figures linked to the Tropicalismo movement, balancing parliamentary dissent with public demonstrations and legal petitions.
Throughout 1966–1979 the MDB functioned as the principal registered opposition within the constraints of the military regime led by generals such as Artur da Costa e Silva and Emílio Garrastazu Médici. It used legislative maneuvers in the Chamber of Deputies (Brazil) and the Federal Senate (Brazil) to challenge measures including electoral restrictions and censorship implemented under AI-5 and to press for investigations into abuses tied to organs like the Department of Political and Social Order (DOPS). MDB deputies and senators collaborated with human rights advocates associated with groups such as the Brazilian Commission of Jurists and international bodies like the United Nations and the Organization of American States to document detention, torture, and disappearance cases linked to clandestine groups and security forces. High-profile confrontations included votes against candidates backed by the pro-regime National Renewal Alliance (ARENA), symbolic speeches by figures like Ulysses Guimarães, and participation in amnesty campaigns later associated with the Lei da Anistia (Brazil) debates.
Under the two-party system the MDB contested municipal, state, and federal elections against ARENA, winning seats in the Chamber of Deputies (Brazil), the Federal Senate (Brazil), and state assemblies in Minas Gerais, São Paulo, and Rio de Janeiro. Electoral strategies combined coalition-building with regional oligarchs from states such as Pernambuco and Ceará and support from urban intellectuals and labor leaders in cities like São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Belo Horizonte. The MDB's electoral successes were uneven: it capitalized on municipal victories in capitals such as Porto Alegre and Salvador while facing repression in rural strongholds dominated by ARENA-aligned elites. The movement also engaged in cultural politics through alliances with writers published in O Globo and musicians associated with Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, using cultural visibility to contest legitimization of the regime.
With the gradual abertura initiated under President Ernesto Geisel and continued by João Figueiredo, the two-party system was dismantled in 1979, leading the MDB to reorganize as the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). Key figures such as Ulysses Guimarães and Tancredo Neves transitioned into roles that shaped the Diretas Já campaign and the eventual 1985 return to civilian rule culminating in the election of Tancredo Neves (indirectly) and the presidency of José Sarney. The MDB/PMDB lineage influenced constitutional debates culminating in the Constitution of 1988 (Brazil), produced presidents and governors, and remained central to Brazil's party system through alliances with parties like the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB), the Democratic Labour Party (PDT), and later coalitions involving the Workers' Party (PT). Its legacy endures in institutional reforms, transitional justice debates over the Lei da Anistia (Brazil), and in the careers of numerous parliamentarians who shaped Brazil's redemocratization.
Category:Political parties in Brazil Category:Opposition to the military dictatorship in Brazil Category:Political parties established in 1966