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| Association of the Followers of the Line of the Imam and the Leader | |
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| Name | Association of the Followers of the Line of the Imam and the Leader |
Association of the Followers of the Line of the Imam and the Leader is a political association associated with conservative and clerical currents in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The association positions itself within the continuum of post-revolutionary factions that trace intellectual and political allegiance to figures such as Ruhollah Khomeini, Ali Khamenei, and other landmark personalities of the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Its activities intersect with institutions, parties, and councils that shape the clerical and political landscape of Iran.
The association emerged amid factional realignments after the tenure of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and during the presidencies of Mohammad Khatami and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, reflecting a reaction to reformist currents represented by Mir-Hossein Mousavi and civil society actors tied to the 1999 student protests in Iran. Its founders drew on networks linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Assembly of Experts, and local councils in Tehran, Qom, and Mashhad. The group has engaged with institutional actors such as the Guardian Council, the Expediency Discernment Council, and the Ministry of Interior (Iran), navigating electoral laws from the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1979) and register processes overseen by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. High-profile moments include participation in campaign coalitions during the elections of 2004 Iranian legislative election, 2009 Iranian presidential election, and 2013 Iranian presidential election.
The association articulates an ideology grounded in loyalty to the line of the revolution as interpreted by Ruhollah Khomeini and continued under Ali Khamenei. It emphasizes principles advanced in canonical texts such as Velayat-e Faqih and references the jurisprudential legacy of scholars from Qom including Hossein Borujerdi and contemporary voices like Mohammad Taqi Mesbah-Yazdi. The association frames its positions on foreign policy with regard to adversaries and partners including United States, United Kingdom, Israel, and alliances or rivalries involving Syria, Hezbollah, Hamas, and actors in Iraq and Lebanon. On cultural matters it often invokes the positions of Sayyid Mohammad Khatami’s critics and aligns with conservative media outlets such as Kayhan and institutions like Imam Khomeini's Educational and Research Institute.
Organizationally, the association mirrors hybrid models found in Iranian political life combining clerical councils, lay leadership, and ties to security institutions. Its leadership roster has included clergy who serve on the Assembly of Experts or consult on juristic questions, as well as former officials from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and technocrats who previously held posts in ministries such as the Ministry of Petroleum (Iran) and the Ministry of Intelligence (Iran). Decision-making frequently involves coordination with party-like formations including the Combatant Clergy Association, the Islamic Coalition Party, and the Popular Front of Islamic Revolution Forces. Local branches have coordinated with municipal bodies like the Tehran City Council and university seminaries in Qom Seminary.
The association has fielded or endorsed candidates in elections for the Islamic Consultative Assembly, City and Village Councils, and presidential contests, often negotiating coalitions with groups such as the Principlists. It has influenced appointments to state media outlets like Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting and lobbied within consultative bodies including the Expediency Discernment Council and the Guardian Council for vetting criteria. Its influence is visible in policy debates concerning sanctions imposed by the United Nations Security Council and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action negotiations, and it has engaged with economic actors affected by sanctions, including companies tied to the Setad and entities associated with the Basij.
Membership comprises a mix of clerics, former military officers, civil servants, and professionals from sectors such as energy, judiciary, and culture. Geographically, the base is concentrated in Tehran, Qom, Mashhad, and provincial centers like Isfahan and Tabriz. Demographically, supporters often include mid-career bureaucrats, conservative students from universities such as University of Tehran and Sharif University of Technology, and veterans of the Iran–Iraq War. The association maintains outreach to traditional merchant classes in bazaars historically tied to organizations like the Guilds and Bazaaris and conservative trade unions.
Critics from reformist circles including figures associated with Zahra Rahnavard and Mohammad Reza Khatami have accused the association of contributing to restrictive candidate vetting and suppression of protest movements such as those emerging after the 2009 Iranian election protests. Human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have cited policies supported by aligned groups for their role in crackdowns on dissent and limits on press freedom involving journalists at outlets like Etemad and Shargh. Economic critics point to patronage networks involving entities such as Setad and links between political influence and business conglomerates including those with ties to Astan Quds Razavi.
Externally, the association cultivates ties with allied partisan and religious actors in the Middle East such as Hezbollah, the Ba'ath Party (Syria), and networks of Islamist groups in Iraq and Lebanon. It adopts stances on regional initiatives related to relations with Russia and China and expresses skepticism toward rapprochement strategies proposed by Western interlocutors like European Union mediators. The association engages in soft diplomacy through religious centers in Najaf and cultural missions to diasporic communities in London, Berlin, and Toronto.
Category:Political organisations based in Iran