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| Associació de Municipis per la Independència | |
|---|---|
| Name | Associació de Municipis per la Independència |
| Native name | Associació de Municipis per la Independència |
| Formation | 2011 |
| Type | Association of municipal authorities |
| Headquarters | Barcelona, Catalonia |
| Region served | Catalonia |
Associació de Municipis per la Independència is a Catalan municipal association created in 2011 to coordinate town and city councils that support independence for Catalonia. It operated as a network connecting municipal elected bodies, civic organizations, and political parties within Catalonia and interfaced with regional and national institutions in pursuit of self-determination. The association became a focal point for mobilization around referendums, municipal motions, and symbolic acts that aligned local administrations with the independence movement.
The association was founded in 2011 amid post-2008 political realignments involving CiU, ERC, CUP, PSC–PSOE, and PP (Spain) municipal formations, and in the context of protests linked to 15-M Movement, Indignados, and debates following the 2008 financial crisis (2007–2008). Early activities referenced precedents such as the municipalist strategies of Barcelona en Comú, the historical municipal autonomy issues relating to Mancomunitat de Catalunya, and the localist campaigns during the Restoration (Spain). Founders drew on networks established by organizations like Òmnium Cultural and Assemblea Nacional Catalana and coordinated with independentist councils influenced by figures associated with JxCat and prominent mayors from Girona, Vic, and Sabadell.
The association expanded during the years leading to the Catalan independence referendum, 2017 and the Catalan declaration of independence, 2017, adapting practices developed by municipal associations in Basque Country and elsewhere in Europe, and reacting to court rulings from the Audiencia Nacional (Spain) and decisions by the Tribunal Constitucional (Spain). Its timeline intersects with regional elections in Catalonia, municipal elections in Spain, and legislative measures passed by the Parliament of Catalonia.
Membership comprised town and city councils from municipalities such as Barcelona, Badalona, Terrassa, Lleida, and Reus, alongside smaller councils in the Garrotxa and Penedès. Institutional links involved local political groups including PSC–PSOE, En Comú Podem, CUP, ERC, and Junts per Catalunya, while relationships with organizations like Federació de Municipis de Catalunya and provincial deputations shaped recruitment and coordination. The association operated through an assembly model influenced by deliberative practices seen in Municipalism, adopting statutes, coordinating committees, and spokesperson roles analogous to structures in European Committee of the Regions and town networks found in France and Italy.
Membership criteria often required municipal plenary motions in favor of self-determination, similar to civic endorsement mechanisms used by Assemblea Nacional Catalana and Òmnium Cultural. Decision-making combined municipal delegations, thematic working groups on legal affairs, public procurement, and symbolic policies, and liaison contacts with regional ministries such as the Departament de la Presidència (Generalitat de Catalunya) and urban planning offices in Ajuntament de Barcelona.
The association coordinated municipal motions supporting referendums, similar in tactic to campaigns by Assemblea Nacional Catalana and ANC-aligned platforms, and participated in coordinated municipal civil disobedience actions recalling approaches by CUP councils. Campaigns included advocating for official use of Catalan in council administrations, organizing symbolic referendums at town halls, and promoting municipal declaration ceremonies comparable to events staged by Consell Comarcal units and local cultural institutions such as Òmnium Cultural chapters.
It engaged in voter registration drives paralleling efforts by Electoral Board of Catalonia-linked actors, supported logistical arrangements for the Catalan independence referendum, 2017 on 1 October, and worked with NGOs and activist platforms like Democratic Tsunami and trade unions including Comisiones Obreras and UGT when municipal services intersected with protest actions. The association also lobbied regional parties in the Parliament of Catalonia to advance recognition of municipal competencies.
Relations with the Generalitat de Catalunya fluctuated according to the composition of the regional executive, involving contacts with departments such as the Departament d'Interior (Generalitat de Catalunya), Departament d'Economia, and the Síndic de Greuges de Catalunya. The association navigated legal challenges from Spanish institutions including the Tribunal Constitucional (Spain), Audiencia Nacional (Spain), and the Delegación del Gobierno en Cataluña while municipal legal teams referenced jurisprudence from the European Court of Human Rights and rulings by the European Commission in comparative public administration contexts.
Interactions with Ajuntament de Barcelona leadership, provincial deputations like Diputació de Barcelona, and municipal federations involved negotiations over financing, competences, and ceremonial recognition of symbols. At the national level, ties with the Congress of Deputies and members of Spanish Senate were strained during independence crises, prompting discussions on competence disputes under the Spanish Constitution of 1978 framework.
Critics cited potential conflicts with the Spanish Constitution of 1978, decisions by the Tribunal Constitucional (Spain), and interventions by the Fiscalía General del Estado as grounds for contesting municipal motions and symbolic acts. Opponents included national parties such as PP (Spain) and civil platforms aligned with Societat Civil Catalana, which challenged the association’s legality and alleged misuse of municipal resources. Media outlets like El País, La Vanguardia, El Periódico de Catalunya, and ABC (newspaper) debated the association’s role, while legal scholars referencing decisions from the European Court of Justice and constitutional jurisprudence questioned the scope of municipal authority.
Internal criticism arose from factions within ERC and JxCat over strategy, and from municipal officials concerned about administrative burdens and financial liabilities raised by provincial administrations and audit chambers like the Tribunal de Cuentas.
The association influenced municipal policies on language use, public symbols, and procurement, echoing practices implemented by councils in Barcelona, Girona, and Tarragona. It catalyzed municipal resolutions that affected relations with social movements such as Casals, cultural institutions like Òmnium Cultural, and civic festivals rooted in traditions of Sardana and local heritage boards. Studies comparing municipal strategies referenced experiences from Bilbao, Birmingham, Berlin, and other European cities to contextualize the association’s approaches to decentralization and local democracy.
Its activities shaped electoral debates in municipal elections across Catalonia and contributed to the policy agendas of regional parties in the Parliament of Catalonia and municipal coalitions in the Ajuntament de Barcelona and provincial deputations.
Key milestones included the founding assembly in 2011, coordinated municipal motions in the run-up to the Catalan independence referendum, 2017, and public ceremonies in municipalities such as Vic and Sant Cugat del Vallès recognizing referendum outcomes. Other events involved legal challenges before the Tribunal Constitucional (Spain), coordination with civil society during mass mobilizations like the National Day of Catalonia (Diada), and participation in municipalist conferences that included delegations from Basque Country, Galicia, Scotland, and Catalan Countries networks.
Category:Politics of Catalonia