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| Asamblea Constituyente (Chile) | |
|---|---|
| Name | Asamblea Constituyente (Chile) |
| Native name | Asamblea Constituyente |
| Country | Chile |
| Established | 2020 |
| Predecessor | National Congress of Chile |
| Succeeded by | Constitution of Chile (2022) |
| Seats | 155 |
| Voting system | Mixed-member proportional representation |
Asamblea Constituyente (Chile) was the popularly mandated constituent assembly convened to draft a new constitution for Chile after mass protests in 2019. Emerging from negotiations between the Socialist Party of Chile, the Christian Democratic Party (Chile), the Independent Democratic Union, and other parliamentary forces, the process involved nationwide mobilization including the 2019–2020 Chilean protests, the Plebiscite of 2020, and multiple institutional actors such as the President of Chile and the Supreme Court of Chile.
The origins trace to the 2019–2020 Chilean protests, which followed controversy over fares for the Santiago Metro and broader grievances against neoliberal policies associated with the Chicago Boys era and the Pinochet dictatorship. Protesters mobilized alongside trade unions including the Central Unitaria de Trabajadores, social movements like the Mapuche conflict activists and the Student protests in Chile, and civil society organizations that demanded systemic change. Negotiations culminating in the Agreement for Social Peace and a New Constitution were brokered in the National Congress of Chile with participation from party leaders such as Gabriel Boric allies, figures from the Party for Democracy (Chile), and representatives tied to the National Renewal (Chile) coalition.
The political landscape featured rivalry among coalitions: the left-leaning Frente Amplio (Chile), the center-left Concertación, and right-wing alliances including the Chile Vamos bloc. Mass mobilization was amplified by organizations like the Colectivo de Estudiantes Secundarios and human rights groups connected to the Valech Report legacy. Regional dynamics involved mayors such as those from Santiago, Chile, activism in Valparaíso, and indigenous claims associated with the Mapuche people and the Arauco War historical context. International attention included statements from the United Nations and observers linked to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
The Constituent Assembly comprised 155 seats with parity rules inspired by gender-equality advances championed by legislators from the Equality Party (Chile) and proposals from feminist collectives tied to Sergio Micco critics. Seats were reserved for indigenous peoples, referencing legal frameworks like the International Labour Organization Convention 169. The electoral system combined district-based lists influenced by reforms from the Electoral Service (Chile) and proportional elements resembling the D'Hondt method used in earlier legislative contests. Prominent elected figures included independents supported by movements similar to those behind Beatriz Sánchez and traditional politicians from the Radical Party of Chile.
Drafting committees reflected thematic areas comparable to commissions in other constitutional processes such as the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and the Constitution of South Africa. Committees addressed rights influenced by instruments like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, proposing provisions on plurinational recognition tied to Mapuche demands, social rights referencing the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and environmental protections echoing precedents from the Escazú Agreement. Debates invoked legal traditions including the Chilean Civil Code and comparative references to the German Basic Law and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Contentious issues included the role of the Central Bank of Chile, water rights rooted in privatization policies from the Decree Law 2,886 era, and the structure of territorial administration drawing on reforms proposed by Mayors' Association of Chile.
Public forums mirrored participatory mechanisms seen in the Icelandic constitutional process with citizen assemblies, town halls across Antofagasta and Magallanes Region, and consultations organized by NGOs such as Libertad y Desarrollo critics and human rights advocates associated with Memoria y Derechos Humanos. Protest dynamics continued, with demonstrations linked to the original 2019 mobilization and intermittent clashes involving police units from the Carabineros de Chile, producing scrutiny from the United Nations Human Rights Council. Media coverage by outlets like El Mercurio (Chile), La Tercera, and community radio networks shaped public opinion alongside academic inputs from faculty at the University of Chile and the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile.
The draft constitution faced national validation through a binding referendum structured after the Plebiscite of 2020 and electoral procedures established by the Servicio Electoral de Chile. Campaigns for approval and rejection organized by coalitions including Apruebo Dignidad and the Chile Vamos presented competing visions. Legal challenges reached judicial scrutiny in the Supreme Court of Chile and interpretations involved the Constitutional Court of Chile's precedents. The final legal outcome intersected with existing statute like the 1980 Constitution's transitional provisions and led to adoption events attended by officials including the President of Chile and parliamentary leaders from the Chamber of Deputies of Chile and the Senate of Chile.
The assembly's legacy influenced electoral realignments affecting parties such as the Socialist Party of Chile, altered policy agendas for the Broad Front (Chile), and reshaped indigenous relations involving the Mapuche National Coordinator. Institutional reforms impacted the Central Bank of Chile autonomy debates, water governance, and decentralization measures that empowered regional governments like those in Biobío Region. The process became a reference for constitutionalism in Latin America alongside cases like the Constitution of Ecuador (2008) and continues to inform scholarly work at institutions such as the Academy of Political and Social Sciences (Chile) on participatory democracy and constitutional change.
Category:Politics of Chile Category:Constitutions