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| Aboriginal Languages Act 2017 (ACT) | |
|---|---|
| Name | Aboriginal Languages Act 2017 (ACT) |
| Enacted by | Australian Capital Territory Legislative Assembly |
| Citation | Aboriginal Languages Act 2017 |
| Territorial extent | Australian Capital Territory |
| Date enacted | 2017 |
| Status | in force |
Aboriginal Languages Act 2017 (ACT) is an Act of the Australian Capital Territory Legislative Assembly that recognises and supports the revival, maintenance and transmission of Ngunnawal, Ngambri, Ngarigo, Dhurga, Wiradjuri, Gamilaraay, Yuwaalaraay, Murrinh-Patha, Yolŋu Matha, and other Australian Aboriginal languages within the Australian Capital Territory. The Act followed campaigns involving Aboriginal community leaders such as Uncle Matilda House and organisations including the ACT Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Elected Body and the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies.
The Act emerged after consultations involving representatives from Ngunnawal Traditional Owners, the ACT Legislative Assembly portfolio committees, and peak bodies like the National Congress of Australia's First Peoples. Influences included precedents such as the National Indigenous Languages Survey, international instruments like the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and comparative statutes including the Welsh Language Act 1993 and the Māori Language Act 1987. Political actors in the ACT involved figures from the Australian Labor Party (Australian Capital Territory Branch), the Australian Greens (ACT), and independents who negotiated provisions during debates in the ACT Legislative Assembly.
The Act establishes statutory recognition of traditional Aboriginal languages as part of the cultural heritage of the Australian Capital Territory and creates mechanisms for language revival. It mandates the development of a five-year Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages action plan coordinated by the ACT Chief Minister's office and administered through a new advisory body drawing members from organisations such as the ACT Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Elected Body and the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. The Act includes rights for community language holders to participate in planning processes and directs collaboration with institutions like the Australian National University, the University of Canberra, and local cultural bodies including the Canberra Museum and Gallery and the National Museum of Australia.
Implementation responsibilities are assigned to the ACT Government's directorates in partnership with community organisations, educational providers like Canberra Institute of Technology, and research bodies such as the AIATSIS research network. Funding mechanisms leverage ACT budget allocations approved in the ACT budget and may involve federal programs administered by the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet and grants from agencies including the Australia Council for the Arts and the National Indigenous Australians Agency. The Act anticipates in-kind support from institutions such as the National Library of Australia and archival collaboration with the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies collections.
By recognising languages as integral to Ngunnawal and neighbouring nations' identity, the legislation intersects with land recognition processes involving entities like the Ngunnawal Land Council and broader treaty discussions in Australia influenced by the Uluru Statement from the Heart. The Act contributes to cultural heritage policy frameworks alongside instruments such as the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act 1984 and informs curriculum initiatives in schools affiliated with the ACT Education Directorate. Its statutory recognition resonates with international minority language protections found in agreements like the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage.
Community responses included endorsements from local elders, scholars at the Australian National University, and arts organisations like First Nations Media Australia for advancing language reclamation. Critics from oppositional politicians in the ACT Legislative Assembly and commentators in media outlets compared the scope to other state initiatives such as those in New South Wales and Victoria, arguing about the adequacy of funding and enforceability. Legal scholars cited potential tensions with constitutional principles examined in cases like Mabo v Queensland (No 2) and debates on statutory recognition of Indigenous rights in forums associated with the Australian Human Rights Commission.
Since enactment, the Act has led to initiatives linking community language workers with universities and cultural institutions: projects documented by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, curriculum pilots in collaboration with the ACT Education Directorate, and multimedia resources produced with partners like the National Film and Sound Archive and First Nations Media Australia. Measurable outcomes include new language classes at the Canberra Institute of Technology, increased archival recordings in the National Library of Australia collections, and strengthened networks among regional bodies such as the NSW Aboriginal Land Council and the Victorian Aboriginal Corporation for Languages. Ongoing evaluation involves stakeholders from the ACT Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Elected Body, the Australian National University, and federal agencies monitoring cultural policy implementation.
Category:Australian Capital Territory legislation Category:Indigenous Australian law Category:Language revival laws