Generated by DeepSeek V3.2| Bengal famine of 1770 | |
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| Name | Bengal famine of 1770 |
| Country | Bengal Subah |
| Location | Bengal, Bihar, parts of Odisha |
| Period | 1769–1773 |
| Total deaths | Estimated 10 million |
| Causes | East India Company revenue policies, drought, monsoon failure |
| Relief | Limited and ineffective efforts by Company administration |
| Consequences | Severe depopulation, economic devastation, increased British control |
Bengal famine of 1770. The Bengal famine of 1770 was a catastrophic famine that struck the Bengal Subah and adjacent regions between 1769 and 1773, resulting in the deaths of an estimated ten million people. It occurred during the early period of Company rule in India following the Battle of Plassey and the grant of the *Diwani*. The disaster was exacerbated by the East India Company's extractive land revenue policies and a severe failure of the monsoon.
The famine's primary trigger was a severe drought caused by the failure of the 1768 monsoon and the late arrival of the 1769 rains, devastating the aman rice crop. This natural disaster intersected with the newly established political economy of the East India Company, which had secured the revenue rights of Bengal after the Battle of Buxar. Under the governorship of Harry Verelst and the administration of officials like Warren Hastings, the Company implemented a rigid and maximized land tax system. Revenue collection was often outsourced to ruthless intermediaries like the zamindars and Indian moneylenders, who insisted on full payment despite the crop failure. Furthermore, the Company maintained an export-oriented policy, continuing to ship grain abroad from ports like Calcutta and Hooghly for profit, while restricting internal trade.
The famine's impact was horrific and widespread, affecting the core regions of Bengal, Bihar, and parts of Odisha. Contemporary reports, including those by administrators like John Shore and surveys such as the one conducted by James Rennell, described landscapes littered with corpses and massive depopulation. Entire villages were abandoned, and widespread cannibalism was reported. The death toll is estimated at around ten million, representing roughly one-third of the population in the affected area. The social fabric disintegrated, with families selling children into slavery and mass migrations towards cities like Murshidabad and Dhaka in a futile search for food. The economic base collapsed, with widespread abandonment of agricultural land leading to a sharp decline in future revenue.
The response from the East India Company administration was widely condemned as inadequate and self-serving. Initial warnings from local officials, including those in Dinajpur and Rajshahi, were largely ignored by the Council in Calcutta. Governor John Cartier, who succeeded Harry Verelst, implemented limited relief measures far too late, such as establishing a few gruel kitchens and attempting to ban grain hoarding. However, these efforts were poorly funded and mismanaged. Critically, the Company did not halt its own revenue collection or the export of rice, prioritizing its financial health over relief. Some private charity was organized by individuals, including early missionaries and Marwari traders, but it was insignificant against the scale of the disaster.
The famine had profound and lasting consequences. It financially weakened the traditional landed aristocracy while consolidating the economic and administrative control of the East India Company. The devastation of the agricultural tax base contributed to a financial crisis for the Company, partly leading to the Tea Act of 1773 and increased tensions in British America. The catastrophe prompted some administrative scrutiny, influencing later debates on governance during the tenure of Warren Hastings and the subsequent Pitt's India Act. It left a deep scar on the collective memory of Bengal, referenced in later literature and serving as a precursor to later famines like the Great Bengal famine of 1943.
Historical interpretation of the famine has evolved significantly. Early British colonial histories often framed it as a tragic natural disaster. However, scholars like Romesh Chunder Dutt and later Mike Davis in his work *Late Victorian Holocausts* have emphasized the "man-made" aspects, arguing that the East India Company's policies turned a drought into a mass mortality event. This view is supported by research into the Company's revenue records and correspondence, such as letters from Harry Verelst. The famine is now central to debates about the nature of Company rule in India and the origins of British colonial exploitation, often discussed alongside the Irish Famine and other colonial disasters. It remains a pivotal case study in examining the intersection of climate, colonial economics, and human suffering.
Category:History of Bengal Category:Famines in India Category:18th century in India